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CHAPTER 13 SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

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1 CHAPTER 13 SOCIAL COGNITION AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT

2 Learning Objectives What is a theory of mind? What are the developmental milestones associated with the acquisition of a theory of mind? What developmental changes occur in the acquiring of a theory of mind and what factors affect its emergence?

3 Social Cognition Social cognition is thinking about the perceptions, thoughts, emotions, motives, and behaviors of self, other people, groups, and social systems A theory of mind is the understanding that people have mental states such as desires, beliefs, and intentions and that these mental states guide their behaviors Researchers used the false belief task to assess children’s development of a theory of mind Social cognition is thinking about the perceptions, thoughts, emotions, motives, and behaviors of self, other people, groups, and social systems. A theory of mind is the understanding that people have mental states such as desires, beliefs, and intentions and that these mental states guide their behaviors. Researchers used the false belief task to assess children’s development of a theory of mind. --The task was used in a pioneering study by Simon Baron-Cohen, Alan Leslie, and Uta Frith (1985) to determine whether young children, children with Down syndrome, and children with autism have a theory of mind. ---Children respond to the following scenario: “A girl named Sally puts her marble in her basket and leaves the room. While she is gone, Anne moves the marble to her box. Sally returns to the room. Where will Sally look for her marble?” ---See Figure 13.1, The false belief task involving Sally and Anne.

4 Caption: The false belief task involving Sally and
Anne. The child who has developed a theory of mind should say that Sally will look in the basket based on her false belief that the marble is there. The child who fails this false belief task says that Sally will look in the box (where the child knows the marble has been moved).

5 Social Cognition In the false belief task, children are asked to respond to the following scenario: “A girl named Sally puts her marble in her basket and leaves the room. While she is gone, Anne moves the marble to her box. Sally returns to the room. Where will Sally look for her marble?”

6 Social Cognition Children who pass the false belief task and show evidence of having a theory of mind to explain human behavior say that Sally will look for her marble in the basket (where she falsely believes it to be) rather than in the box (where it was moved without her knowledge) Children who have a theory of mind believe that Sally’s behavior will be guided by her false belief about the marble’s location; they are able to set aside their own knowledge of where the marble ended up after Anne moved it

7 Social Cognition – Developing a Theory of Mind
Certain abilities are considered important early signs of a theory of mind An infant’s ability to get involved in bouts of joint attention (by pointing at an object and then looking toward a companion to encourage the other to look at the object, too) In their first months of life, infants come to understand, partly from their own actions on the world, that other people have intentions, set goals, and act to achieve them

8 Social Cognition – Developing a Theory of Mind
Certain abilities are considered important early signs of a theory of mind (continued) Between 1 and 2 years, when infants engage in their first simple pretend play, they show a primitive understanding of the difference between pretense (a kind of false belief) and reality Imitation of other people in the first year of life reveals an ability to mentally represent their actions and possibly the goals or intentions behind them

9 Social Cognition – Developing a Theory of Mind
Emotional understanding (for example, comforting a playmate who is crying) reflects an understanding that other people have emotions and that these emotions can be influenced for good or bad

10 Social Cognition – Developing a Theory of Mind
Wellman (1990) theorized that children’s theories of mind develop in two phases Around age 2, children develop a desire psychology in which they explain their behavior and that of others in terms of wants or desires By age 4, children progress to a belief-desire psychology and understand that people do what they do because they desire certain things and because they believe that certain actions can help them fulfill their desires

11 Social Cognition – Developing a Theory of Mind
What are the roles of nature and nurture in the development of a theory of mind? In support of the role of nature Evolutionary theorists argue that having a theory of mind was adaptive for the evolution of the human species Development of a theory of mind requires a certain level of biological maturation, especially neurological and cognitive development Researchers believe that mirror neurons – neurons that are activated both when we perform an action and when we observe someone else perform the same action – are involved in theory-of-mind understandings

12 Social Cognition – Developing a Theory of Mind
What are the roles of nature and nurture in the development of a theory of mind? In support of the role of nurture, certain factors influence children’s development of a theory of mind Social interaction involving language Parental sensitivity to children’s needs and perspectives and the formation of secure attachments Especially important is parental “mind-mindedness,” which involves talking in elaborated and appropriate ways about children’s mental states Cultural perspectives on beliefs and thoughts

13 Social Cognition – Developing a Theory of Mind
Formulating a theory of mind has consequences for development Children who have mastered theory-of-mind tasks generally tend to have more advanced social skills and better social adjustment than those who have not They understand that others’ emotional responses might differ from their own, and they can think more maturely about moral issues Theory-of-mind skills also can be used for inappropriate purposes: bullies and good liars often are adept at “mind reading”

14 Social Cognition – Describing and Evaluating Other People
Children younger than 7 or 8 describe themselves and others in terms of physical appearance, possessions, and activities Around age 7 or 8, children’s descriptions of people show that they are beginning to think about people in terms of enduring psychological traits (“nice,” “funny,” “bossy”)

15 Social Cognition – Describing and Evaluating Other People
As children reach age 11 or 12, they make more use of psychological traits to explain why people behave as they do (“. . . because he is mean”) Compared to children, adolescents describe others in psychological terms – traits, interests, values, and feelings Adolescents can incorporate seeming inconsistencies into their understanding of others “She brags but it is because she is insecure and wants to hide her insecurities”

16 Learning Objectives How do person perception and role-taking skills develop? Why are these skills important? How do they change over the lifespan?

17 Social Cognition – Social Perspective-Taking
An important aspect of social cognitive development involves outgrowing childhood egocentrism and developing social perspective-taking The ability to adopt another person’s perspective and understand her thoughts and feelings in relation to your own Social perspective-taking skills are essential in thinking about moral issues from different points of view, predicting the consequences of a person’s actions for others, and empathizing with others

18 Social Cognition – Social Perspective-Taking
Selman (1976) described the development of social perspective-taking abilities in stages Because children 3 to 6 years old are egocentric; tend to assume that others share their point of view By age 8 to 10, as concrete-operational cognitive abilities solidify, children appreciate that two people can have different points of view even if they have access to the same information Children are able to think about their own thoughts and about the thoughts of another person, and they realize that their companions can do the same

19 Social Cognition – Social Perspective-Taking
Selman (1976) described the development of social perspective-taking abilities in stages (continued) By age 12, adolescents who have reached the formal-operational stage of cognitive development become capable of mentally juggling multiple perspectives Adolescents can keep in mind simultaneously their own perspective, that of another person, and that of an abstract “generalized other,” or the broader social group

20 Social Cognition – Social Perspective-Taking
Advances in social cognition are more likely if parents are good models of social perspective taking, consider their children’s feelings and thoughts, and rely on explanation rather than punishment in disciplining their children Advanced social perspective-taking skills help make children more sensitive and desirable companions Children with advanced social perspective-taking skills are more likely than age-mates with less advanced skills to be sociable and popular and to enjoy close relationships with peers

21 Social Cognition – Social Perspective-Taking
The social-cognitive skills of adults may continue to improve after adolescence Researchers found that adults, especially those of middle age, were better able than adolescents to see both sides of an issue and to integrate multiple perspectives into a workable solution

22 Social Cognition – Social Perspective-Taking
Some researchers have detected deficiencies in the social-cognitive skills of older adults Declines in basic cognitive functions such as working memory and processing speed can take a toll on social-cognitive performance

23 Social Cognition – Social Perspective-Taking
Social cognitive skills also may be well-maintained late in life Hess and colleagues (2005) found that middle-aged and elderly adults were more adept than young adults at reading a person’s behavior to infer whether he possessed traits such as honesty or intelligence Elderly adults perform as well as young and/or middle-aged adults on many social-cognitive tasks, probably because they have accumulated expertise about the world of people

24 Social Cognition – Social Perspective-Taking
Reasons that social-cognitive skills may be well-maintained late in life included the following The areas of the cortex that support social cognition and emotional understanding age more slowly than the areas that support nonsocial cognition It has been observed that in completing social-cognitive tasks, older adults tend to rely on cognitive strategies such as simple rules of thumb and strongly-held beliefs about people Social-cognitive skills may hold up well, especially in “real life” people-reading tasks, because they are used – exercised – every day

25 Social Cognition – Social Perspective-Taking
Possibly the most important research finding on social-cognitive development in adulthood is that older adults differ greatly in their social cognitive abilities Those who have the sharpest social-cognitive skills tend to be socially active and involved in meaningful social roles such as spouse, grandparent, church member, and worker It is mainly when elderly people become socially isolated or inactive that their social cognitive skills become rusty

26 Learning Objectives What is morality? What are the three basic components of morality? How did Piaget and Kohlberg explain the development of moral reasoning? What are the important characteristics of each stage of Piaget’s theory? What are the important characteristics of each level and stage of Kohlberg’s theory?

27 Perspectives on Moral Development
Developmental scientists have focused on three basic components of morality The affective, or emotional, component consists of the feelings (guilt, concern for others’ feelings, and so on) that surround right or wrong actions and that motivate moral thoughts and actions The cognitive component centers on how we conceptualize right and wrong and make decisions about how to behave The behavioral component reflects how we behave when, for example, we experience the temptation to cheat or are called upon to help a needy person

28 Perspectives on Moral Development
Moral affect – positive and negative emotions related to matters of right and wrong – can motivate behavior Negative emotions (shame, guilt) can keep us from doing what we know is wrong Positive emotions (pride, self-satisfaction) can occur when we do the right thing Empathy – the vicarious experiencing of another person’s feelings – is an emotional process that is important in moral development Empathy can motivate prosocial behavior – positive social acts, such as helping or sharing, that reflect concern for the welfare of others

29 Perspectives on Moral Development
Although aspects of Freud’s theory of moral development are not supported, researchers agree about his main themes Moral emotions are an important part of morality and motivate of moral behavior Early relationships with parents contribute to moral development Children must internalize moral standards if they are to behave morally even when no authority figure is present to detect and punish their misbehavior

30 Perspectives on Moral Development
Cognitive developmental theorists study morality by looking at the development of moral reasoning – the thinking process involved in deciding whether an act is right or wrong Moral reasoning is believed to progress through an invariant sequence – a fixed and universal order of stages, each of which represents a consistent way of thinking about moral issues that is different from the stage preceding or following it

31 Perspectives on Moral Development
Piaget’s theory of moral development includes three aspects – the premoral period, heteronomous morality, and autonomous morality Premoral period During the preschool years, children show little awareness or understanding of rules and cannot be considered moral beings Heteronomous morality Children 6 to 10 years old take rules seriously, believing that they are handed down by parents and other authority figures and are sacred and unalterable They judge rule violations as wrong based on the extent of damage done, not paying much attention to whether the violator had good or bad intentions

32 Perspectives on Moral Development
Piaget’s theory of moral development (continued) Autonomous morality At age 10 or 11, most children enter a final stage of moral development in which they begin to appreciate that rules are agreements between individuals – agreements that can be changed through a consensus of those individuals In judging actions, they pay more attention to whether the person’s intentions were good or bad than to the consequences of the act

33 Perspectives on Moral Development
Lawrence Kohlberg concluded that moral growth progresses through a universal and invariant sequence of three broad moral levels, each of which is composed of two distinct stages Each stage grows out of the preceding stage and represents a more complex way of thinking about moral issues

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35 Perspectives on Moral Development
Summary of Kohlberg’s theory Level 1: preconventional morality Stage 1: punishment-and-obedience orientation Stage 2: instrumental hedonism Level 2: conventional morality Stage 3: “good boy” or “good girl” morality Stage 4: authority and social order-maintaining morality Level 3: postconventional morality Stage 5: morality of contract, individual rights, and democratically accepted law Stage 6: morality of individual principles of conscience

36 Perspectives on Moral Development
Influences on moral thinking Freud emphasized the role of parents Piaget and Kohlberg believed that the two main influences on moral development are cognitive growth and social interactions with equals Cognitive growth At the conventional level, the ability to take other people’s perspectives is required At the postconventional level, formal-operational thinking is required Social interactions with equals Negotiations to work out differences in perspectives Advanced schooling Participation in a complex, diverse, democratic society

37 Learning Objectives How do social-learning theorists explain moral behavior? According to evolutionary theory, what are the functions of morality?

38 Moral Behavior: Social-Learning Theory
Social-learning theorists have focused on the behavioral component of morality – what we actually do when faced with temptation or with an opportunity to behave prosocially According to social-learning theory, moral behavior is learned in the same way that other social behaviors are learned: through observational learning and reinforcement and punishment principles

39 Moral Behavior: Social-Learning Theory
Social-learning theorists believe moral behavior is believed to be strongly influenced by situational Due to situational influences, what we do (moral performance) is not always reflective of our internalized values and standards (moral competence)

40 Moral Behavior: Social-Learning Theory
Bandura emphasized that moral cognition is linked to moral action through self-regulatory mechanisms that involve Monitoring and evaluating our actions Disapproving of ourselves when we contemplate doing wrong Approving of ourselves when we behave responsibly or humanely

41 Moral Behavior: Social-Learning Theory
Bandura suggested that mechanisms of moral disengagement allow us to avoid condemning ourselves when we engage in immoral behavior even though we know right from wrong Individuals who have perfected moral disengagement tend to be the ones who engage in the most antisocial and unethical behaviors

42 Moral Behavior: Functions of Morality – Evolutionary Theory
Evolutionary theorists focus on how moral thought, emotion, and behavior may have helped humans adapt to their environments over the course of evolution Prosocial behaviors (cooperation, altruism) and mechanisms for controlling and inhibiting harmful behaviors may have evolved because they enhanced survival

43 Moral Behavior: Functions of Morality – Evolutionary Theory
Evolutionary theorists argue that humans have an evolved genetic makeup that predisposes them not only to behave antisocially but also to empathize with their fellow humans and to behave prosocially and morally

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45 Learning Objectives How can parents provide their infants and children with moral socialization? What child characteristics determine how morally trainable a child is likely to be? How do current researchers evaluate Piaget’s and Kohlberg’s views on infants’ and children’s moral reasoning?

46 The Infant – Early Moral Training
Infants are predisposed to be empathic, prosocial beings and learn many important moral lessons during their first 2 years of life Infants begin to learn that their actions have consequences, to associate negative emotions with violating rules, and to exert self-control when they are tempted to violate rules

47 The Infant – Early Moral Training
According to Kochanska and colleagues (2009), moral socialization is based upon A secure parent-infant attachment Development of a mutually responsive orientation A close, emotionally positive, and cooperative relationship in which child and caregiver care about each other and are sensitive to each other’s needs Parents also can foster early moral development by discussing their toddlers’ behavior in an open way, expressing their feelings, and evaluating their children’s acts as good or bad

48 The Infant – Empathy and Prosocial Behavior
There is evidence that empathy and prosocial behavior are part of human evolutionary heritage Newborns display a primitive form of empathy when they are distressed by the cries of other newborns From the ages of 1 to 2, infants develop a form of empathy that motivates helping, such as when a toddler tries to comfort someone in distress Prosocial behaviors (helping, sharing, comforting) become increasingly common from age 1 to age 2

49 The Child Both Piaget and Kohlberg underestimated children’s abilities to engage in moral reasoning Nelson’s (1980) study showed that young children can base their moral judgments on both a person’s intentions and the consequences of his act Both Piaget and Kohlberg underestimated children’s abilities to engage in moral reasoning. Nelson’s (1980) study showed that young children can base their moral judgments on both a person’s intentions and the consequences of his act. --- Nelson’s study: Three-year-olds listened to stories about a boy throwing a ball to a playmate. The boy’s motive was described as good (his friend had nothing to play with) or bad (the boy was mad at his friend), and the consequences of his act were either positive (the friend caught the ball and was happy to play with it) or negative (the ball hit his friend in the head and made him cry). To make the task simpler, Nelson showed children drawings of what happened (refer to figure 13.2).

50 The Child – Understanding Rules
Turiel (1978, 1983, 2006) observed that children distinguish between different kinds of rules Moral rules: standards that focus on the welfare and basic rights of individuals Rules against hitting, stealing, lying, and otherwise harming others or violating their rights Social-conventional rules: standards determined by social consensus that tell us what is appropriate in particular social settings Rules of social etiquette, including the rules of games and school rules for behavior From their preschool years, children understand that moral rules are more compelling and unalterable than social-conventional rules

51 The Child – Applying Theory of Mind
Once they develop a theory of mind, children’s moral thinking becomes more sophisticated Preschoolers who pass theory-of-mind tasks are able to distinguish between lying (deliberately promoting a false belief) and simply having one’s facts wrong Theory-of-mind skills also help young children understand people’s emotional reactions to people’s behavior, an important consideration in judging right and wrong

52 The Child – Moral Socialization
Hoffman (2000) compared childrearing approaches that foster moral behavior and moral thought and affect Love withdrawal – withholding attention, affection, or approval after a child misbehaves (creating anxiety by threatening a loss of reinforcement from parents) Power assertion – using power to threaten, chastise, administer spankings, take away privileges (using punishment) Induction – explaining to a child why the behavior is wrong and should be changed by emphasizing how it affects other people

53 The Child – Moral Socialization
Hoffman (2000) compared childrearing approaches that foster moral behavior and moral thought and affect (continued) Induction is more often positively associated with children’s moral maturity than either love withdrawal or power assertion In Hoffman’s view, induction works well because it breeds empathy

54 The Child – Moral Socialization
Making a child worry that his parents’ love can be withdrawn at anytime usually is not effective The use of power assertion is more often associated with moral immaturity than with moral maturity At the extreme, children whose parents are physically abusive feel less guilt and engage in more immoral behaviors such as stealing than other children It is generally ineffective to use even milder power tactics such as physical restraint and commands to keep young children from engaging in prohibited acts However, Hoffman (2000) concluded that mild power assertion tactics such as a forceful “No,” a reprimand, or the removal of privileges can be useful occasionally

55 The Child – Moral Socialization
Summary of Hoffman’s view of childrearing approaches that foster moral development “a blend of frequent inductions, occasional power assertions, and a lot of affection” (2000, p. 23) Effective parents use proactive parenting strategies Tactics designed to prevent misbehavior and reduce the need for correction or discipline (e.g., distraction for younger children and explicit teaching of values for older children)

56 The Child – Moral Socialization
A child’s temperament is an important determinant of how morally trainable she is and what motivates her moral behavior Kochanska and colleagues found that children are easiest to socialize if They are by temperament fearful or inhibited (likely to experience guilt and distress) They are capable of effortful control, and therefore are able to inhibit their urges to engage in wrongdoing

57 Learning Objectives What developmental trends emerge in moral reasoning during adolescence? What are the forms and the origins of antisocial behavior in adolescence? How have scholars evaluated Kohlberg’s theory of moral reasoning? What roles do religion and spirituality play in the lives of adults?

58 The Adolescent – Changes in Moral Reasoning
The main developmental trend in moral reasoning during adolescence is a shift from preconventional to conventional reasoning During this period, most individuals begin to express a genuine concern with living up to the moral standards that parents and other authorities have taught them and ensuring that laws designed to make human relations just and fair are taken seriously and maintained Postconventional reasoning does not emerge until adulthood, if it emerges at all

59 Caption: Average percentage of moral reasoning at each of Lawrence Kohlberg’s stages for males from age 10 to 36

60 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
In most societies, crime rates peak during adolescence Most severely antisocial adults begin their antisocial careers in childhood and continue into adolescence Engage in juvenile delinquency Law-breaking by a minor May have a psychiatric diagnosis of conduct disorder that becomes a diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder as an adult Conduct disorder: a persistent pattern of violating the rights of others or age-appropriate societal norms through such behaviors as fighting, bullying, and cruelty

61 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Two subgroups of antisocial youths Early-onset group – recognizable in childhood through acts such as torturing animals and hitting other children and is persistently antisocial across the lifespan Late-onset – a larger group that behaves antisocially mainly during adolescence, partly in response to peer pressures (outgrows this behavior in adulthood)

62 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
The origins of antisocial conduct Moral reasoning Juvenile delinquents are likely than nondelinquents to rely on preconventional moral reasoning (lack a well-developed sense of right and wrong) Moral emotions Aggressive or conduct disordered adolescents are less likely than other adolescents to show empathy and concern for others in distress, and they often feel little guilt and remorse about their acts Social information processing Aggressive or conduct disordered adolescents process social information differently than other adolescents do Dodge’s social information-processing model

63 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Dodge and his colleagues formulated a social information-processing model to explain aggressive behavior by an individual who is provoked (by being tripped) Encoding of cues: taking in information Interpretation of cues: making sense of this information and deciding what caused the other person’s behavior Clarification of goals: deciding what to achieve in the situation Response search: thinking of possible actions to achieve the goal Response decision: weighing the pros and cons of these alternative actions Behavioral enactment: doing something Highly aggressive youths, including adolescents incarcerated for violent crimes, show deficient or biased information processing at every step. A highly aggressive adolescent who is tripped by a classmate is likely to process relatively few of the available cues in the situation and show a bias toward information suggesting that the tripping was deliberate (for example, noticing a fleeting smirk on the classmate’s face); (2) make an “attribution of hostile intent,” inferring that the classmate meant to cause harm; (3) set a goal of getting even (rather than a goal of smoothing relations); (4) think of only a few possible ways to react, mostly aggressive ones; (5) conclude, after evaluating alternative actions, that an aggressive response will have favorable outcomes (or perhaps not think through the consequences); and (6) carry out the particular aggressive response selected

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65 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Highly aggressive youths show deficient or biased information processing at every step Many aggressive youths act impulsively with an automatic response based on their past experiences They are easily angered and quickly attribute hostile intent to whoever harms them Severely violent youths have often experienced abandonment, neglect, abuse, and bullying Their experiences may have given them a basis to view the world as a hostile place and to feel little concern for others

66 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Patterson and colleagues found that highly antisocial children and adolescents often grow up in coercive family environments Family members engage in power struggles to control each other through negative, coercive tactics Parents are negatively reinforced when their threatening, yelling, and hitting temporarily stops their children’s misbehavior Children are negatively reinforced when their difficult behavior (ignoring requests, whining, temper tantrums) successfully stops their parents’ behavior

67 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
According to Patterson and colleagues, the coercive family environment sets in motion the next steps in the making of an antisocial adolescent The aggressive, unpleasant child performs poorly in school and is rejected by other children He then becomes involved in a peer group made up of other low-achieving, antisocial, and unpopular youths, who positively reinforce one another’s delinquency

68 Caption: Gerald Patterson’s model of the development of antisocial behavior starts with poor discipline and coercive cycles of family influence

69 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Severe antisocial behavior is the product of a complex interplay between genetic predisposition and social learning experiences From an evolutionary perspective, male aggression may have evolved to enable successful competition for mates and genetic contribution to the next generation Some individuals (female and male) are genetically predisposed to have difficult, irritable temperaments, impulsive tendencies, and other response tendencies and personality traits that contribute to aggressive, delinquent, and criminal behavior

70 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Through the mechanism of gene-environment interaction, children with certain genetic predispositions may become antisocial if they also grow up in a dysfunctional family and receive poor parenting or are physically abused According to Dodge (2009), Children who have a variant of the monoamine oxidase (MAOA) gene (a gene on the X chromosome that normally contributes to an ability to control our tempers) that results in low MAOA activity If they are abused or mistreated may attribute hostile intentions to others Cannot control their anger and lash out impulsively

71 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Through the mechanism of gene-environment correlation, children who inherit a genetic predisposition to become aggressive may actually evoke the coercive parenting that fosters aggression This evocative gene-environment correlation effect is evident even when aggression-prone children grow up with adoptive parents rather than with their biological parents because these children bring out negativity in their adoptive parents

72 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Other risk factors and protective factors can influence the outcome for a child who is genetically predisposed to be aggressive Prenatal environment Complications during delivery Cultural contexts Subcultural and neighborhood factors School environment The complex interplay between genetic predisposition and social learning experiences (continued): Other risk factors and protective factors can influence the outcome for a child who is genetically predisposed to be aggressive: Prenatal environment - exposure to alcohol, opiate drugs, and lead poisoning—has been linked to conduct problems Complications during delivery - especially if the child later grows up in a deprived home Cultural contexts -In Japan, a collectivist culture in which children are taught early to value social harmony, children are less angered by interpersonal conflicts and less likely to react to them aggressively than American children are. -Similarly, Hispanic American youths who have been brought up with traditional Hispanic cultural values such as the importance of family are less likely than those who are more acculturated into American society to engage in antisocial behavior. -Children in the United States are heavily exposed to violence on television, a known contributor to aggression. -More generally, the United States is a relatively violent country where corporal punishment of children is heavily used. Subcultural and neighborhood factors -Rates of aggression and violent crime are two to three times higher in lower socioeconomic neighborhoods and communities, especially transient ones, than in middle-class ones. -For young African American and Hispanic males in gang-dominated inner-city neighborhoods, it may even be adaptive to be quick to detect others’ hostile intentions and take defensive action. School environment -Certain schools have higher rates of delinquency and aggression than others, even when socioeconomic factors are controlled. --Bullying, repeatedly inflicting harm through words or actions on weaker peers who often cannot defend themselves, can become something of an epidemic in certain schools. --In these schools, neither teachers nor parents set high standards for achievement, bullies egg each other on, and other students reinforce the bullies or at least do not stop them. --Bullies, victims of bullies, and children who are both bullies and victims are more likely than other youths to become involved in delinquent and self-harmful behaviors.

73 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Dodge and his colleagues (2003) have attempted to integrate the influences on antisocial behavior into a biopsychosocial model of aggression that recognizes the contributions of biological predisposition, individual psychology, and social or contextual factors

74 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Dodge and his colleagues (2008) also proposed a “dynamic cascade” model showing how various influences, playing out over childhood and adolescence, can result in chronic and serious violence in adolescence and beyond Biological factors (genes) and sociocultural context factors (a disadvantaged, violence-prone neighborhood) put certain children at risk from birth Then a chain of causal events plays out: experiences with harsh, inconsistent parenting in early childhood, poor readiness for school, early behavior problems, failure in elementary school (both academically and socially), lack of appropriate parental supervision in early adolescence, and affiliation with antisocial peers

75 The Adolescent – Antisocial Behavior
Efforts to prevent antisocial behavior should include An emphasis on positive parenting, beginning in infancy or toddlerhood Comprehensive, school-based programs aimed at children at risk The Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group intervention project used a multi-pronged approach involving the teaching of social information-processing and social skills, efforts to improve academic skills, and behavior management training for parents Proven effective in reducing antisocial behavior and preventing diagnoses of conduct disorder and related psychiatric disorders

76 The Adult – Changes in Moral Reasoning
In Kohlberg’s 20-year longitudinal study (Colby et al., 1983), most adults in their 30s still reasoned at the conventional level, although many of them had shifted from stage 3 to stage 4 There is evidence that social-cognitive skills hold up well across the lifespan Most studies find no major age differences in complexity of moral reasoning, at least when relatively educated adults are studied and when the age groups compared have similar levels of education

77 The Adult – Kohlberg’s Theory in Perspective
Kohlberg’s idea that everyone progresses from preconventional to conventional reasoning is well supported However, the idea that people continue to progress from conventional to postconventional reasoning is not supported It has been charged that Kohlberg’s theory is biased against people who are non-Western, politically conservative, and female and that it slights moral emotion and behavior

78 The Adult – Kohlberg’s Theory in Perspective
Is Kohlberg’s theory culture-biased? Cross-cultural studies suggest that postconventional moral reasoning emerges primarily in Western democracies People in collectivist cultures that emphasize social harmony often look like stage 3 conventional moral thinkers in Kohlberg’s system, but in fact they may have sophisticated concepts of justice that focus on the individual’s responsibility for others’ welfare

79 The Adult – Kohlberg’s Theory in Perspective
Is Kohlberg’s theory biased against political conservatives? Researchers find some merit in the idea that Kohlberg’s theory favors people who support human rights and take liberal positions on issues

80 The Adult – Kohlberg’s Theory in Perspective
Is Kohlberg’s theory gender biased? Kohlberg’s stages were developed based on interviews with males only and in some studies, women seemed to reason at stage 3 when men usually reasoned at stage 4 Carol Gilligan argued that boys, who traditionally have been raised to be independent, come to view moral dilemmas as conflicts between the rights of two or more parties and to view laws as necessary for resolving these inevitable conflicts (a perspective reflected in Kohlberg’s stage 4 reasoning) Gilligan argued that girls are brought up to define their sense of “goodness” in terms of their concern for other people (a perspective that approximates stage 3 in Kohlberg’s scheme)

81 The Adult – Kohlberg’s Theory in Perspective
Is Kohlberg’s theory gender biased (continued)? Gilligan’s arguments A “masculine” morality of justice focused on laws and rules, individual rights, and fairness A “feminine” morality of care focused on an obligation to be selfless and look after the welfare of other people Neither morality is more “mature” than the other

82 The Adult – Kohlberg’s Theory in Perspective
Although Gilligan’s claim that Kohlberg’s theory is systematically biased against females is not supported, her work increased our awareness that both men and women often think about moral issues in terms of their responsibilities for the welfare of other people and that Kohlberg emphasized only one way – a legalistic and abstract way – of thinking about right and wrong

83 The Adult – New Approaches to Morality
Developmentalists today are trying to correct for Kohlberg's overemphasis on rational deliberation in moral reasoning by exploring the emotional component of morality Recently researchers have examined The emotions and the regulation of emotions when children and adults engage in moral or immoral behavior The idea that gut emotional reactions and intuitions play an important role in morality Some scholars have now proposed dual-process models of morality in which both deliberate thought and emotion/intuition inform decisions about moral issues and motivate behavior

84 The Adult – Religion and Spirituality
Religious values and beliefs guide the moral thinking and behavior of many people Religiosity or religiousness has generally been defined as sharing the beliefs and participating in the practices of an organized religion Spirituality involves a quest for ultimate meaning and for a connection with something greater than oneself Spirituality may be carried out within the context of a religion (some people are both religious and spiritual) or outside it (some people say they are spiritual but not religious)

85 The Adult – Religion and Spirituality
In a longitudinal study, researchers Dillon and Wink sought to understand changes over the years in religiosity and spirituality Religiosity was strong in adolescence, decreased somewhat in middle age, and rose again in people’s late 60s and 70s closer to its earlier levels Spirituality was judged to be at lower levels than religiosity throughout adulthood and changed more dramatically with age, increasing significantly from middle age to later adulthood, especially among women

86 The Adult – Religion and Spirituality
Wink and Dillon (2003) found that individuals are highly consistent over the years in their degrees of religiosity and spirituality, probably because of their personalities Religiosity and spirituality contribute positively to psychosocial adjustment but in different ways

87 The Adult – Religion and Spirituality
Religiosity contributes positively to psychosocial adjustment Religiosity in late adulthood is correlated with a sense of well-being stemming from positive relationships with other people, involvement in social and community service activities, and the sympathetic and caring qualities associated with Erikson's concept of generativity Highly religious adults are very involved in their religious communities and act on their religious beliefs by serving others Other research suggests that religious involvement is linked to good health, good mental health, and prosocial behavior

88 The Adult – Religion and Spirituality
Spirituality contributes positively to psychosocial adjustment Highly spiritual older adults have a sense of well-being derived from personal growth Spiritual adults are highly involved in activities that allow them to express their creativity and build their knowledge and skills Spiritual adults display qualities associated with wisdom such as introspectiveness and insightfulness


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