Project for the New American Century

Henry Rowen, Defense Policy Board, CFR James Woolsey, Defense Policy Board, Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, former Board member of weapons corporations Dov Zakheim, Defense Department Comptroller, American Enterprise Institute, CFR                         Robert Zoellick, US Trade Representative, former Enron consultant Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of Defense, former Bechtel pipeline negotiator William Kristol, American Enterprise Institute, Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, Editor the Weekly Standard Dick Cheney, Vice President, former American Enterprise Institute, former Secretary of Defense, former CEO of Halliburton

Eliot Abrams, Senior Director National Security Council, CFR member Lewis Libby, former Chief of Staff to Vice President, Senior Director National Security Council, CFR member Dan Quayle, Former VP, Member of Defense Policy Board, Chief of Staff to Vice President, Senior Director National Security Council, CFR Jeb Bush, Governor of Florida, brother of President Paul Wolfowitz,former Deputy Secretary of Defense Richard Armitage, former Deputy Secretary of State Kenneth Adelman, Defense Policy Board Richard Allen, Defense Policy Board, CFR John Bolton, American Enterprise Institute VP, now US UN rep.

Steven Cambone, Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence, Special Assistant to Secretary Eliot Cohen, Defense Policy Board, Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, American Enterprise Institute Paula Dobriansky, Undersecretary of State for Global Affairs, CFR Zalmay Khalizad, Ambassador to Iraq, National Security Council, former risk analyst for Unocal Aaron Friedberg, Deputy National Security Advisor to VP, CFR Francis Fukayama, President’s Council on Bioethics, CFR Richard Perle, Defense Policy Board, American Enterprise Institute, CFR, Committee for the Liberation of Iraq John Lehman, National Security Advisor, 9/11 Commissioner Peter Rodman, Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs

Project for the New American Century: Statement of Principles 1997 We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership. As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world's preeminent power. Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?

Project for the New American Century: Statement of Principles 1997 We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge. We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States' global responsibilities.

Project for the New American Century: Statement of Principles 1997 We cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. America has a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we shirk our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have taught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership.

Project for the New American Century: Statement of Principles 1997 Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here are four consequences: we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future; we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values; we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad; we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles.

The Authors of This Manifesto? Elliott Abrams Gary Bauer William J. Bennett Jeb Bush Dick Cheney Eliot A. Cohen Midge Decter Paula Dobriansky Steve Forbes Aaron Friedberg Francis Fukuyama Frank Gaffney Fred C. Ikle Donald Kagan Zalmay Khalilzad I. Lewis Libby Norman Podhoretz Dan Quayle Peter W. Rodman Stephen P. Rosen Henry S. Rowen Donald Rumsfeld Vin Weber George Weigel Paul Wolfowitz

“Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces And Resources For A New Century” Prepared in 2000 under guidance of Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, Jeb Bush, and Lewis “Scooter” Libby. The document calls itself a "blueprint for maintaining global US preeminence, precluding the rise of a great power rival, and shaping the international security order in line with American principles and interests. This American grand strategy must be advanced as far into the future as possible." The plan calls our military, "the cavalry on the new American frontier.“ Describes peacekeeping missions as "demanding American political leadership rather than that of the United Nations." Reveals worries that Europe could rival the U.S.A. in future

“Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces And Resources For A New Century” Puts forth the “axis of evil” “… adversaries like Iran, Iraq, and North Korea are rushing to develop ballistic missiles and nuclear weapons as a deterrent to American intervention in regions they seek to dominate” (p. 4). “The current American peace will be short-lived if the United States becomes vulnerable to rogue powers with small, inexpensive arsenals of ballistic missiles and nuclear warheads or other weapons of mass destruction. We cannot allow North Korea, Iran, Iraq, or other similar states to undermine American leadership, intimidate American allies or threaten the American homeland itself” (p. 75).

“Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces And Resources For A New Century” States the US right to topple hostile regimes … “American military preeminence will continue to rest in significant part on the ability to maintain sufficient land forces to achieve political goals such as removing a dangerous and hostile regime when necessary” (p. 61). Explicitly calls for the militarization of space and the implementation of “Star Wars” type programs to achieve this goal, as well as increased defense spending to the tune of $15 to 20 billion per year. Calls for the establishment of more US military bases overseas to serve as “deployment bases” and “forward operating bases,” as well as expansion of US nuclear weaponry.

Regarding Iraq, the PNAC Strategy Says: "The United States has for decades sought to play a more permanent role in Gulf regional security. While the unresolved conflict with Iraq provides the immediate justification, the need for a substantial American force presence in the Gulf transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein." (Page 14)

PNAC Letter to President Bush After 9/11 PNAC also wrote a letter to President Bush calling for the overthrown of Saddam Hussein on September 20, 2001. “We agree with Secretary of State Powell’s recent statement that Saddam Hussein ‘is one of the leading terrorists on the face of the Earth….’ It may be that the Iraqi government provided assistance in some form to the recent attack on the United States. But even if evidence does not link Iraq directly to the attack, any strategy aiming at the eradication of terrorism and its sponsors must include a determined effort to remove Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq.” “Failure to undertake such an effort will constitute an early and perhaps decisive surrender in the war on international terrorism.”

PNAC Letter to President Bush After 9/11 “… any war against terrorism must target Hezbollah. We believe the administration should demand that Iran and Syria immediately cease all military, financial, and political support for Hezbollah and its operations … Should Iran and Syria refuse to comply, the administration should consider appropriate measures of retaliation against these known state sponsors of terrorism.” “… Israel has been and remains America’s staunchest ally against international terrorism, especially in the Middle East. The United States should fully support our fellow democracy in its fight against terrorism … We should insist that the Palestinian Authority put a stop to terrorism emanating from territories under its control and imprison those planning terrorist attacks against Israel … Until the Palestinian Authority moves against terror, the United States should provide it no further assistance.”

PNAC Letter to President Bush After 9/11 “A serious and victorious war on terrorism will require a large increase in defense spending. Fighting this war may well require the United States to engage a well-armed foe, and will also require that we remain capable of defending our interests elsewhere in the world … We urge that there be no hesitation in requesting whatever funds for defense are needed to allow us to win this war.”

Project for the New American Century