Part VII Chapter 40

The Internet has provided a fertile deviant opportunity structure Hacking : unauthorized intrusion into a computer system or network Fraud & other deceptive practices are common on the Internet; examples include: Stock manipulation Misappropriation of credit card information Investment swindles Online auction fraud Cyberstalking, harassing Threatening electronic communications Part 7: Ch. 40

Analysis of website content over period of four years, plus 500 printed pages Collected from homepages, message forums, Yahoo groups, user profiles & blogs Author stumbled on topic – “money mistress” offering services looking for “money slaves” Data collection strategy included snowball sampling with use of Internet sites used for information as opposed to individuals Data analyzed for common themes, characteristics & tendencies Part 7: Ch. 40

Money slavery : involves males giving money or gifts to women they meet online in exchange for being degraded, humiliated or blackmailed Described as “…ultimate depiction of economic dehumanization” Some Internet sites where participants can be found: The Real Money Slaves Money Slaves 101 Cash Fetish Money Slaves Fellowship Forum Part 7: Ch. 40

Request various forms of remuneration from men in order to obtain ongoing contact Commonly require them to send “tributes” electronically or by credit card or Pay Pal Many have an “initiation fee” or “introductory tribute” before men are made money slaves Some require that men pay off a bill each month (rent, car, electric, phone, etc.) Some might request men buy them items from computerized “wish list” Part 7: Ch. 40

Some men give exorbitant amounts of money to women: One woman’s website shows copy of $50,000 wire transfer Copies of $17,000 credit card receipts Little evidence that any physical meetings ever occur between money slaves & money mistresses Blackmail services : man fills out online application with name, address, telephone number of girlfriend, wife or employer as well as other discrediting information Money slave is required to pay mistress to avoid having information revealed Part 7: Ch. 40

Chastity belt program : money slave buys device & sends mistress key. In turn, he is required to pay a fee to have key returned to him Other “services” include purchases of: Used panties ($75) Locks of her hair ($100) Worn socks ($45) Phone sex calls ($9.99 per minute) One money slave reported paying $330 for a conversation Part 7: Ch. 40

Sexual interests seem to motivate the money slaves Psychological pain appears to be important to many masochists. Pain encompasses: Feeling of helplessness Subservience Humiliation Degradation Money slaves reported being sexually aroused by making payments Part 7: Ch. 40

Social control plays an important part in phenomenon of money slavery These practices are ripe with opportunities for fraud, deception & deceit Money mistress may not reciprocate for money or gifts received Money masochists may be deceived by using photos of other women Gender can also be disguised on the Internet Part 7: Ch. 40

To protect their interests money slaves formed the Money Slaves Fellowship Forum & Find Fake Money Slaves to share information on detecting & avoiding frauds Money masochists also engage in deceptive practices by not paying for services such as Web cam views or chat time Money mistresses create “losers” or “fakers” lists exposing identities of nonpaying money masochists Money masochists are also rewarded for paying by being thanked on mistresses’ websites, etc. Part 7: Ch. 40

Paying for sexual fantasy is not new, but phenomenon of money slavery appears to be novel manifestation of this type of deviance predicated on existence of the Internet Primary contact between mistress & slave takes place via Internet Money slavery entails presentation & consumption of images Money mistress is a character who exists in cyberspace Part 7: Ch. 40

How is money slavery similar – as well as different from – traditional forms of (sexual) deviance? What kinds of social control strategies do money mistresses implement to keep money masochists in line? Part 7: Ch. 40

Part VII Chapter 41

A 1997 NIJ study estimated from 1/5 to 1/4 of women are victims of completed or attempted rape while in college From 1/2 to 3/4 of sexual assaults on college campuses involve alcohol use on part of victim, perpetrator, or both Alcohol and sex assault link suggests many assaults are “party rapes” Part 7: Ch. 41

While college-universities have been aware of problem of sexual assault for at least 20 years, rates of sexual assault have not declined Why do colleges-universities remain dangerous places for women? In what follows, sexual assault is seen as predictable outcome of both gendered and gender neutral processes operating at individual, organizational and interactional levels Part 7: Ch. 41

Three main types of explanation: (1) Psychological or individual determinants: Sex assault seen as a consequence of perpetrator or victim characteristics, like gender role attitudes, personality, family background, or sexual history (2) A “rape culture”: Sex assault seen as result of widespread belief in rape myths or ideas about men, women, sexuality that fosters a pro-rape environment (3) A social context approach that identifies certain settings such as fraternities or bars as sexually dangerous places and grounds such assaults in organizations that provide resources and opportunities Part 7: Ch. 41

This study develops third approach by linking it to recent scholarship in the sociology of gender (Martin, 2004; Risman, 1998, 2004; Lorber, 1994) Argues that gender is embedded not only in persons, but also in cultural rules, social interaction, and organizational arrangements This integrated approach emphasizes socialization produces gendered selves, cultural rules reproduce gender inequality in interaction, and organizational practices reproduce gender inequality at institutional level Part 7: Ch. 41

Data are from group and individual interviews, ethnographic observation, and public information collected at a large Midwestern research university Most data collected during academic year in a residence hall known as a “party dorm” Authors and research team assigned to a room on a floor occupied by 55 women students Part 7: Ch. 41

Individual characteristics that generate interest in college partying and gendered sexual agendas resulting in high-stakes competition over erotic status: Part 7: Ch. 41

General agreement among students that one was “supposed” to party in colleges, a way to feel part of college life Females reported wanting to fit in, be popular and have friends Part 7: Ch. 41

Partying was primary way to meet men on campus and some complained they lacked friendly contact with men compared to mined-gender friendship groups in high school Meeting men at parties very important to most women and they found men’s sexual interest as parties to be a source of self- esteem and status Enjoying dancing and kissing men at parties, proved that men “liked” them Part 7: Ch. 41

Women worked hard to attain physically attractive presentation through exercise, tanning, dieting, buying new clothes Women found that achieving high erotic status in party scene required looking “hot” but not “slutty” resulting if successful in looking “classy” Men also sought proof of their erotic appeal; Men were more interested that they were in having sex reflecting traditional double- standard Part 7: Ch. 41

Sexual danger is an unintended consequence of many university practices intended to be gender neutral The clustering of homogenous students intensifies the dynamics of student peer cultures and heightens motivations to party Part 7: Ch. 41

Residence halls rules push student partying off-campus into bars, residences and fraternities Male control of fraternities results in their control of all aspects of parties at their houses: Themes, music, transportation, admission, access to alcohol and movement of guests Party themes encourage women to wear scant, sexy, clothing and place women in subordinate positions Part 7: Ch. 41

Peer culture and organizational arrangements set up risky partying conditions but do not explain how student interactions at parties generate sexual assault Party rape is the result of fun situations that shift, gradually or suddenly, into coercive situations Part 7: Ch. 41

College partying involves predictable activities in a predictable order, and shared assumptions about good or adequate participation Fun partiers throws themselves into the event, drink, display upbeat mood, and evoke revelry in others; Partiers are expected to like and to trust party- mates Cultural expectations of partying are gendered: Women, but not men, wear revealing outfits and women cede control of turf, transportation, and liquor, and are expected to be nice in ways men are not Part 7: Ch. 41

As a result, women become vulnerable to sexual assault, which too many men are willing to exploit Significant number of narratives collected from subjects of study in which sexual assault or probable sexual assault occurred Many women appear uncertain and unwilling to define many acts as assaults due to effects of alcohol, and a desire to preserve their status with peers as popular Part 7: Ch. 41

The frequency of women’s negative experiences in the party scene poses a problem for those students most invested in it: Finding fault threatens their identities and lifestyles The majority of heterosexual encounters at parties are fun and consensual Females reported loving to flirt and be admired Part 7: Ch. 41

Many male and female students account for the harm to women in the party scene by blaming victims their “mistakes” Avoiding criticism of party scene or men’s behavior Hence only “immature,” “naïve,” or “stupid” women get into trouble Even women who have been assaulted may tend to blame themselves (drinking too much alcohol) rather than the perpetrator Part 7: Ch. 41

Why is there still a tendency to blame the victim of sexual assault and rape for drinking too much as opposed to the perpetrator? Part 7: Ch. 41