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Welcome to Half A Democracy A 72-slide presentation on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the prospects for peace and reconciliation based on a Two-State.

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Presentation on theme: "Welcome to Half A Democracy A 72-slide presentation on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the prospects for peace and reconciliation based on a Two-State."— Presentation transcript:

1 Welcome to Half A Democracy A 72-slide presentation on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the prospects for peace and reconciliation based on a Two-State solution. 1. WELCO ME FAIR USE NOTICE: This site contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. I am making such material available in an effort to advance understanding of environmental, political, human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues, etc. I believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law. In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, the material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes. For more information go to: If you wish to use copyrighted material from this site for purposes of your own that go beyond 'fair use', you must obtain permission from the copyright Optimal screen size: 1024 x 768 For a copy of this slide show, email me at

2 “One million Arabs are not worth a Jewish fingernail” : “It is forbidden to have pity on [the Arabs]. We must annihilate them”. “Blessings for whoever has saved a bullet in order to stick it in a Jew's head” “It is forbidden to befriend Israelis. They should be slaughtered” “The killing of a non-Jew is considered essentially a good deed, and Jews should have no compunction about it” “[Palestinians] are beasts walking on two legs” “By God, we will not leave one Jew in Palestine” 2. One million Arabs…

3 Amos Oz, Israeli author These days any person of peace must draw water, in his teaspoon at least, and pour it on the fire: he must raise his voice, demonstrate, argue, work for a rational compromise. The teaspoon in the simple man's hands is very small and the fire is very big. Nonetheless... 3. Wha t can a sim ple man do? He could run away, leaving to their fate the others who cannot flee or have nowhere to go. He could also stand and whine, sit and level accusations. Or he could fill the teaspoon in his hand with water, time and time again, and pour it on the flames. What can a simple man do in front of a huge fire?

4 4. INTRODUCTION This slide show is not a history of the Arab-Israeli conflict, but a collection of evocative quotes and images that illustrate the reality of the Occupation and show the importance of ending it if there is ever to be a just peace between Palestinians and Israelis. It is designed to show that the daily violence in Israel and the Occupied Territories is neither inexplicable nor nihilistic, nor a manifestation of some amorphous enemy in our War On Terror. Instead, it is rooted in the specific issues of Palestinian displacement and dispossession (since 1948), and the military occupation and creeping annexation of the remaining Palestinian Territories (since 1967). These are specific political issues for which a practical political resolution already exists, in the form of a just and even-handed two- state solution. The United States - the one party to this conflict with the greatest power to bring about fundamental change – ostensibly supports the two-state solution for Israel/Palestine as a goal of its foreign policy, but apparently lacks the political will to unreservedly commit itself to brokering a genuinely just and lasting peace. In short, we still want to take sides. An informed populace might press our politicians for change but, as the Glasgow Media Group’s survey suggests, the western TV News media is helping to create a populace that is far from informed. This slide show was created out of the belief that there is a Palestinian narrative, and a pro-peace narrative, that we in the West do not routinely hear. Welcome to Half A Democracy. Introduction In April 2002, the Glasgow University Media Group reported (at,3858,4394251-103552,00.html) the results of a study it had conducted on the subject of UK TV news coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict during the early weeks of the Al-Aqsa Intifada (Sept-Oct 2000). The study found that BBC and ITN news scored high on images of fighting and violence, but low on explanations about underlying causes. The Glasgow group went on to survey 385 people who identified TV,3858,4394251-103552,00.html news as their primary source of information about the conflict. Their replies showed that they had absorbed the "main" message of the news, i.e. violence and tragedy. But, not surprisingly, most of them had little understanding of the reasons for the conflict, of its origins in the events of 1948 and 1967, and of the key issues needing to be resolved in a negotiated peace. For example: On Refugees - Eighty per cent of those surveyed did not know where the Palestinian refugees had come from and how they had become refugees. On The Occupation – Many people did not understand that the Palestinians were subject to a military occupation; seventy-one per cent did not know that it was the Israelis who were occupying the Occupied Territories. On Settlements - Only 9% knew that the settlers were Israeli. There were actually more people (11%) who believed that the Palestinians were occupying the territories and that the settlers were Palestinian. The survey also found that, in the absence of any discussion of origins and causes, news reports often portrayed the conflict as “normal” life randomly punctuated by inexplicable, unmotivated acts of Palestinian violence. ITN and BBC News oscillated between this view of events (which is also the view of the Israeli government), and the view that violence was perpetrated by both sides in a fatalistic "cycle" of "tit-for-tat" killings. The Palestinian view, that the violence is a symptom arising out of an illegal and violent occupation, was not represented at all.

5 5. PA RT I: THE OC CU PAT ION The Occupation If any occupation lasts too long, or is not carefully watched from the start, one party becomes slaves and the other masters. History teaches, too, that almost every military occupation breeds new wars of the future. Gen. Douglas MacArthur, "Reminiscences."

6 A nation as powerful as Israel has to accept responsibility for its policies and for its actions. It is not American Jewish criticism that has created sympathy for the Palestinians. It is the suppression of millions of Palestinians over thirty-five years that has done it. Rabbi Ben-Zion Gold, Harvard Hillel 6. We have to admit… We have to admit that not all of the people who criticize the way Israel has dealt with the Palestinians are anti-Semites. We have to recognize that not all who side with the Palestinians in their conflict against Israel do so because they dislike Jews.

7 What I discovered [in the peace negotiations] was that a West Bank Palestinian could not build, work, study, purchase land, grow produce, start a business, take a walk at night, enter Israel, go abroad, or visit his family in Gaza or Jordan without a permit from us. Uri Savir, Israeli peace negotiator, former Director General of the Israeli Foreign Office 7. Without a permit from us About one third of the Palestinian population had been detained or imprisoned by Israel. And the whole population had been grossly humiliated by us.

8 Once Israel became an occupying state, it ceased to be a democracy. Just as there is no such thing as a partial pregnancy, there is no such thing as a partial democracy, either. Gideon Levy, Israeli journalist 8. A partial democrac y It is impossible to be both occupiers and democrats; there is no such thing as enlightened exploiters and racists. Those are unresolvable contradictions, flagrant oxymorons.

9 Yitzhak Frankenthal, Chairman of the Israeli-Palestinian Families Forum My son Arik was murdered when he was a soldier by Palestinian fighters. 9. My son Arik I know these are concepts that are unpalatable, but I must voice them loud and clear, because they come from my heart – the heart of a father whose son did not get to live because his people were blinded with power. He was not murdered because he was Jewish, but because he is part of the nation that occupies the territory of another.

10 Our problem in the state of Israel is not to liberate the Palestinians, but to liberate the Israelis from this accursed domination through violence. Yeshayahu Leibowitz, Professor of Science and Philosophy, Hebrew University of Jerusalem 10. D o mi na tio n thr ou gh vi ol en ce

11 International Law Israel must recognize the concept of limits - political, legal, moral and territorial – and must decide to join the community of nations by accepting the terms of international law and the will of the international community. Opening remarks to the 1991 Madrid Conference, by Dr Haidar Abdel-Shafi, Senior Palestinian Delegate 11. PART II: INTERNATIONAL LAW No amount of circumlocution or self-deception can alter that fact. Security can never be obtained through the acquisition of other people's territory, and geography is not the criterion for security.

12 For as long as the Middle East peace process is denied an honest broker, and for as long as the Palestinian people remain without a homeland, the urgency of war or even conflict resolution anywhere else in the world will be questioned. Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Malaysian Deputy PM, 16 Feb 2003 12. Double Standards One issue that must be fiercely debated and championed by the peace movement is the double standards that are dictating global politics. We are made to believe that in the present crisis Iraq is the most flagrant violator of United Nations resolutions. We are told that the presence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq constitutes a threat to the security of the Middle East region, and if exported, a threat to the world in general. The powerful may want to whitewash the truth, but the world remembers. We remember countless UN resolutions that bind or urge the international community to allow for justice and peace for the people of Palestine, that have gone unheeded. And we remember that although the centrepiece of the argument for war against Iraq today, namely UN Resolution 687, explicitly states the objective of establishing a nuclear weapons-free zone in the Middle East, there are those in the region with weapons of mass destruction who are not being asked to disarm. There can be no excuse for this hypocrisy.

13 United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 The Security Council, emphasizing the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State in the area can live in security, affirms that the fulfilment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles: of 22 November 1967 13. Resolution 242 (i) Withdrawal of Israel’s armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict; (ii) Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgment of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace.

14 United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194 of 11 December 1948 The General Assembly, having considered further the situation in Palestine, Resolves that the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return… 14. Resoluti on 194

15 15. Where had they gone? I am a proud Israeli. I won't let anyone say I am not from here - including the Palestinians. I am exactly what my father wanted me to be: a native. He wanted me to grow like a tree from the soil of the land. He wanted me to be a natural part of the landscape. And he just may have succeeded: I am a native son. But this is a country in which there were always Arabs. This is a country in which the Arabs are the landscape, the natives. In my eyes, without Arabs this is a barren land. What comes to mind in particular are those Shabbats when Dad would go on outings with me in the [Palestinian] villages around Jerusalem. He was a tour guide and a high priest of knowing the land. He would take me into Malha and Beit Mazmil and Ein Karem and Saris and Deir al Hawa. So their way of life was not foreign to me; it was part of me. But in April 1948, I was on King George Street in Jerusalem when [the Jewish underground] held its victory parade through the center of the city with trucks carrying the survivors of [the] Deir Yassin [massacre]. When I think about it today it is terrible, but at the time it didn't seem terrible. And again, in 1949, when I reaped the harvest in fields belonging to Palestinians as part of a work camp of the youth movement, that didn't seem terrible, either. Their tragedy simply did not penetrate my consciousness. It was only in 1955, when I was a student and we were carrying out a survey for the Geological Institute, for which we examined abandoned Arab wells after the rain, that I arrived in a village near Beit Guvrin and it suddenly hit me. Because the whole village was still standing, it was perfectly whole. Only it had no people. For the first time, I asked myself where these people were, where had they gone. Yet even that was a passing moment. It didn't shatter my consciousness. That happened only in 1967, when I met all those people who said they were from Malha, from Saris, from Deir al Hawa. Suddenly I said to myself, here they are. Here they are. And all that old geography suddenly hit me: The whole geography of the tragedy came rushing back. So today I live their tragedy, even though I perhaps caused it. Meron Benvenisti, Israeli author & politician

16 The Fourth Geneva Convention -- For the protection of “those who, at a given moment and in any manner whatsoever… find themselves in the hands of an Occupying Power of which they are not nationals.” 16. The Geneva Convention… The Fourth Geneva Convention applies to the West Bank, to the Gaza Strip, and to the entire City of Jerusalem, in order to protect the Palestinians living there. The Palestinian people living in this Palestinian Land are "protected persons" within the meaning of the Fourth Geneva Convention. All of their rights are sacred under international law. There are 149 substantive articles of the Fourth Geneva Convention that protect the rights of every one of these Palestinians living in occupied Palestine. The Israeli Government is currently violating, and has since 1967 been violating, almost each and every one of these sacred rights of the Palestinian People recognized by the Fourth Geneva Convention. As matters of fact and of law, the gross and repeated violations of Palestinian rights by the Israeli army and Israeli settlers living illegally in occupied Palestine constitute war crimes. Francis Boyle Professor of International Law, University of Illinois

17 Protected persons who are in occupied territory shall not be deprived of the benefits of the present Convention by any annexation of the whole or part of the occupied territory. - IV Geneva Convention, Article 47 Arab East Jerusalem, home to 200,000 Palestinians. Annexed by Israel, June 1967. 17. …on annexation The Israelis have gained time by signing the Oslo agreement to squeeze Palestinian inhabitants out of East Jerusalem and into the West Bank and elsewhere. The technique, which they have accelerated, is simple: rush the building of heavily subsidized and segregated settlements for Jews only, while delaying the building of housing for non-Jews and demolishing housing already occupied by Palestinians. Frank Collins, The Palestinian Land Research Committee

18 The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies. - IV Geneva Convention, Article 49 An underlying reason that years of U.S. diplomacy have failed and violence in the Middle East persists is that some Israeli leaders continue to "create facts" by building settlements in occupied territory. Their deliberate placement as islands or fortresses within Palestinian areas makes the settlers vulnerable to attack without massive military protection, frustrates Israelis who seek peace and at the same time prevents any Palestinian government from enjoying effective territorial integrity. U.S. Pres. James E. Carter There are many questions as we continue to seek an end to violence in the Middle East, but there is no way to escape the vital one: Land or peace? 18. …on settlements The major issues still to be resolved remain unchanged: the final boundaries of the state of Israel, the return of, or compensation for, Palestinians dislodged from their previous homes and the status of Jerusalem. It seems almost inevitable that the United States will initiate new peace efforts, but it is unlikely that real progress can be made on any of these issues as long as Israel insists on its settlement policy, illegal under international laws that are supported by the United States and all other nations.

19 Three hundred and seventy thousand Israeli settlers live on occupied Palestinian land, including East Jerusalem, and the differences in living standards and opportunity are staggering. Alice Rothchild, Harvard Physician, Peace Activist. It is not acceptable to say that we did not know. 19. … settlements II All Palestinian borders, seaports, airports, airspace, entry, exit, and trade are controlled by the Israelis. One million Palestinians in Gaza live on 60% of the territory, while 6000 Jewish settlers live on the remaining 40%. Sixty-five percent of Palestinians live below the poverty line and 60% are unemployed. Twenty-five percent of Palestinian children in the Occupied Territories are malnourished.

20 20. …on the destruction of personal property House demolitions have become the hallmark of the Occupation. Indeed, since 1967 Israel has demolished almost 9000 Palestinian homes, leaving some 50,000 without shelter and traumatized. Israel’s policy of house demolitions seeks to confine Palestinians to small enclaves, leaving most of the land free for Israeli settlement. The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions Any destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal property belonging to private persons…is prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations. - IV Geneva Convention, Article 53 The systematic demolition of Palestinian homes is an attack on an entire people, an attempt to make the Palestinians submit to a mini-state or worse, an "autonomous" set of islands -- under Israeli control.

21 The wounded and sick, as well as the infirm, and expectant mothers, shall be the object of particular protection and respect. - IV Geneva Convention, Article 16 Noha al Makadama, who was nine months pregnant, was killed in her home while she was there with her 11 children when the Israel Defense Forces demolished the adjacent building, causing the destruction of her house as well. Anyone who blows up a building next to a building in which there are a pregnant woman and 11 children, without warning them, is responsible for their fate. Killing a pregnant woman under these circumstances (two boys, aged 13 and 16, were also killed) is a terrorist attack against innocent people. Gideon Levy As of 27 June 2002, there have been at least 39 documented cases of women giving birth while blocked at military checkpoints - a humiliating and dangerous experience for the mother and a rude passage into this world for the new-born. Laura Wick, Institute of Community and Public Health, Birzeit University 21. …on protecting the vulnerabl e


23 Protected persons are entitled, in all circumstances, to respect for their persons… They shall at all times be humanely treated, and shall be protected especially against all acts of violence or threats thereof and against insults and public curiosity. - IV Geneva Convention, Article 27 23. …on humane treatment

24 No physical or moral coercion shall be exercised against protected persons, in particular to obtain information from them or from third parties. - IV Geneva Convention, Article 31 One of our main concerns in Israel and the Occupied Territories has been the practice of systematic torture and ill- treatment, which includes methods such as hooding, sleep deprivation, prolonged standing or sitting in painful positions, confinement in cupboard-sized rooms, exposure to continuous raucous sound and violent shaking. These measures, which the Israeli authorities have termed "moderate physical force" have led to deaths and severe injuries. In May 1997, the United Nations Committee Against Torture, the expert body which examines states' implementation of the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment, explicitly stated that these measures constituted torture. 'Abd al-Samad Harizat, a 30-year-old computer expert from Hebron, was arrested around midnight on 21 April 1995 and fell into a coma soon after 4pm on 22 April; he died on 25 April without regaining consciousness. Physicians for Human Rights sent an expert, Professor Derrick Pounder, to observe the autopsy, carried out by two Israeli forensic pathologists. The autopsy found that 'Abd al-Samad Harizat had died from ''violent shaking'' which had caused a sub-dural haemorrhage within the skull. Pressure from the lawyer of the Harizat family later obtained information about his interrogation: he had been shaken 12 times between 4.45am and 4.10pm, 10 times by holding his clothes and twice by holding his shoulders. “There is no doubt whatsoever about the cause of death; it's very clear he has died from unnatural causes, and that he has died from torture”, said Professor Pounder. Amnesty International USA, Human Rights in the Middle East Amnesty International, Human Rights in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1 September 1998 24. …on torture

25 25. …on the destruction of state property Any destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal property belonging …to the State, or to other public authorities, or to social or cooperative organizations, is prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations. - IV Geneva Convention, Article 53 Let's not deceive ourselves; this was not a mission to search and destroy the terrorist infrastructure. There was a decision made to vandalize the civic, administrative, cultural infrastructure developed by Palestinian society. Amira Hass (Israeli journalist) On Israel’s “Operation Defensive Shield”, Mar-Apr 2002 It's so easy and comforting to think of the entire Palestinian society as primitive, bloodthirsty terrorists, after the raw material and product of their intellectual, cultural, social and economic activity has been destroyed. That way, the Israeli public can continue to be deceived into believing that terror is a genetic problem and not a sociological and political mutation, horrific as it may be, derived from the horrors of the occupation.

26 26. The rights of the child In accordance with their obligations under international humanitarian law to protect the civilian population in armed conflicts, States Parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by an armed conflict. - The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 38.4 Excerpt from an interview between Israeli journalist, Amira Hass, and an IDF (Israeli Army) sniper for the 20 November, 2000, edition of Ha’aretz newspaper Sniper: “They forbid us to shoot at children”. Journalist: “How do they say this?” Sniper: “You don’t shoot a child who is 12 or younger”. Journalist: “That is, a child of 12 or older is allowed?” Sniper: “Twelve and up is allowed. He’s not a child anymore, he’s already after his bar mitzvah. Something like that”. Journalist: “Thirteen is bar mitzvah age”. Sniper: “Twelve and up, you’re allowed to shoot. That’s what they tell us”. Journalist: “Under international law, a child is defined as someone up to the age of 18.” Sniper: “Up until 18 is a child?” Journalist: “So, according to the IDF, it is 12?” Sniper: “According to what the IDF says to its soldiers. I don’t know if this is what the IDF says to the media.”

27 Making War 27. PART III: MAKING WAR

28 Nothing justifies the killing of one Israeli or one Palestinian. I say that from the depths of my heart. We have an obligation to stop this. Saeb Erekat, Palestinian Chief Negotiator 28. Nothing justifies the killing

29 The Palestinians want self-rule. Whoever wants to "vanquish" them, then offer them bread and circuses, understands nothing. The Israeli army is stronger than ever, our secret services are excellent; then why is the problem not resolved? Reoccupying the Palestinian Authority lands, and killing Arafat, what would that change? Those who want “victory” want an unending war. Ami Ayalon, former head of Israeli Internal Security (Shin Bet) 29. Bread and Circuses Anyone who equates Arafat with Bin Laden understands neither Arafat nor Bin Laden. Bin Laden is the guru of a very harmful sect, but one that is very marginal to Islam. If he is killed, his sect may disappear with him. If we kill Arafat, the Palestinian people will continue to want its independence.

30 The “Courage to Refuse” Combatants’ Letter We, reserve combat officers and soldiers of the Israel Defense Forces, … who have always served in the front lines, and who were the first to carry out any mission, light or heavy, in order to protect the State of Israel… Who have served all over the Occupied Territories, and were issued commands and directives that had nothing to do with the security of our country, and that had the sole purpose of perpetuating our control over the Palestinian people. 30. Courage to refuse We, whose eyes have seen the bloody toll this Occupation exacts from both sides…We, who understand now that the price of Occupation is the loss of the IDF’s human character and the corruption of the entire Israeli society. We, who know that the Territories are not Israel, and that all settlements are bound to be evacuated in the end. We hereby declare that we shall not continue to fight this War of the Settlements. We shall not continue to fight beyond the 1967 borders in order to dominate, expel, starve and humiliate an entire people. We hereby declare that we shall continue serving in the Israel Defense Forces in any mission that serves Israel’s defense. The missions of occupation and oppression do not serve this purpose – and we shall take no part in them. …as of 9 Sept 2003

31 It is unrealistic to demand a cessation of terrorist attacks before Israel withdraws. This will never happen. If you condition a political breakthrough on ending terrorism, you encourage terrorism, you do not end it. Until there is a final status agreement, we will continue to experience terror, by both sides. The lessons of South Africa and Northern Ireland show that until agreement is signed and even for a while after agreement is signed, there is terror, since there are groups that reject any compromise and will continue to try to block peace. Professor Menachem Klein, Senior Scholar at the Jerusalem Institute for Israeli Studies, Professor at Bar Ilan University. 31. Cessation of terror

32 Amira Hass, Israeli journalist Most of the [Israeli] Jewish public is not interested in examining the question of whether there is something illogical about Israeli policies. That Israeli majority is not ready to listen to hints that perhaps the military policies prevent, in the short term, some of the attacks and destroy the infrastructure, but in the long run create hundreds more volunteers for the unofficial Palestinian armies, and increase the danger of terrorism. It refuses to see the connection between the renewal of the conflict in September 2000, and the Israeli consolidation of its control over the territories all through the Oslo years. Most of the Israeli public insists on accepting the position that "first they stop the terror and then we'll start negotiations." Get ready, therefore, for the next record wave of terror. 32. “First, stop the terror”

33 Stop thinking of wars, of security, of this and that. Give people hope. Revive hope in the minds of your [Palestinian] neighbors. This is the shortest way to peace and security. Saeb Erekat We say the Palestinians behave like “madmen”. It is not madness, but a bottomless despair. Ami Ayalon 33. A bottomless despair

34 We are still trying to count, and to remember them as individuals, but with so many dead, it’s hard to keep track. You wish you could remember them all, but you can't. But we’re making an effort, because to lose count is to lose one’s humanity. Yossi Sarid, Member of the Knesset, Former Israeli Minister of Education 34. Trying to keep count

35 Making Peace We, the people of Palestine, hereby offer the Israelis an alternative path to peace and security: Abandon mutual fear and mistrust, approach us as equals within a two-state solution, and let us work for the development and prosperity of our region based on mutual benefit and well-being. Opening remarks to the 1991 Madrid Conference, by Dr Haidar Abdel-Shafi, Senior Palestinian Delegate 35. PART IV: MAKING PEACE

36 I was 12 years old when the occupation came to my home town. I was writing graffiti on the walls and throwing stones and cutting wires. At that time, nobody in my neighborhood told me that there was any alternative. Saeb Erekat 36. There is an alternative Today we are trying to tell the Palestinians that there is an alternative called peace. It is fragile. It sounds desperate, like wishful thinking. But there is an alternative, and it is called peace.

37 They are dying not because there is no way of resolving the crisis, but, on the contrary, they are dying precisely because a way exists and is known very well by all. Every Israeli in the street knows what the solution is, just as every Palestinian knows it: peace between two states, established by the partition of the land roughly in accordance with demographic realities based on Israel's pre-1967 borders. Amos Oz Innocent civilians are dying, killed on both sides nearly every day. 37. Peace between 2 states Even those who loathe this future already know, deep in their hearts, that all this is inevitable.

38 The Palestinians made their principal concessions at the beginning of the Oslo process. They agreed to abandon armed struggle against Israel and recognize a Jewish state occupying about 78 percent of their historic homeland of Palestine. In exchange, they expected that Israel would recognize a Palestinian state in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and acknowledge some measure of responsibility for the Palestinian refugees. Joel Beinin, Professor of Middle East History, Stanford University. 38. Palestinian concessions However, Israel refused, with support from the US, to codify any of these Palestinian expectations in any agreement signed by the two parties at Oslo or subsequently.

39 Israel's failure to come to terms with its own history and that of the Palestinians, and its inability to accept the principle that two peoples have equal rights to the land they jointly inhabit, presaged the failure of the Camp David summit. Israel’s “Generous Offer”: Palestine on 95% of the West Bank The failure of the Palestinian-Israeli-American summit at Camp David did not surprise most Palestinians. [Going into the negotiations,] Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak loudly announced that Israel would not return to its pre-1967 war borders. He sought to annex to Israel settlement blocs containing about 80 percent of the Jewish settlers in the West Bank. Like every Israeli leader since 1967, Barak demanded that the Palestinians accept all of Jerusalem as Israel's “eternal capital.” And Barak insisted that Israel would accept no moral or legal responsibility for the creation of the Palestinian refugee problem. Prof. Joel Beinin In essence, Barak demanded that the Palestinians give their blessing to Israel's many violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention and dozens of UN resolutions since 1967 - most notably the confiscation of land for civilian purposes, settling civilians in occupied territories, the unilateral and internationally unrecognized annexation of East Jerusalem and the installation of some 175,000 Jewish settlers there. 39. The “Generous Offer”

40 We have a country and we're only asking for a small part of it back where we can come together again as a people. We don't want a toothless Swiss-cheese state that is controlled and patrolled by settlers and soldiers armed to the teeth. We do not want to keep being forced to make concessions that translate into eternal apartheid, where we are not much more than a cheap labor force living in ghettos or dealt with as a "demographic threat." Susan Abulhawa, freelance writer, Media Monitors Network. 40. A Swiss- cheese state We want Israel to get out of what little remains of Palestine, namely all the occupied territories (22% of Palestine) and leave us alone. We want autonomy and independence. We want our heritage preserved and our dignity restored.

41 The euphoria and goodwill in the immediate aftermath of Oslo showed it is possible to get majority Palestinian support for a compromise that accepts that 70 per cent of their erstwhile homeland will remain lost – as long as there is hope of real independence and some dignity within the remainder. Gerd Nonnemann, Reader in International Relations, Lancaster University, Associate Fellow, Royal Institute of International Affairs. “Palestine” as delineated by Israel’s proposed Separation Wall. 41. “Palestine” inside the Wall Any diplomatic interventions today that pretend the former is possible without the latter, are doomed to failure.

42 Today it seems that a majority of Israelis understand that they must give up the territories, with adjustments that the Palestinians are willing to accept; the Palestinians understand that they must give up the right of return; and both sides understand that Jerusalem must be the capital of both nations. Gen. Shaul Arieli, Israeli peace negotiator 42. The majority understands

43 Not all the Palestinians are the same, and not all of us [Israelis] are the same. When we return to sanity, we will sit down with the pragmatic Palestinian camp and reach agreements on a final settlement, in the spirit of Oslo and on the basis of the Clinton framework, because just as it was in 1937, 1947 and 1993, that is the only way to achieve our national aspirations and to save the two peoples from the chasm they are approaching. Yossi Beilin, former Member of the Knesset and Israeli Minister of Justice 43. Returning to sanity

44 These complex problems [between Israelis and Palestinians] would have been solved many years ago but for the fact that the US built up Israel as a predominant military and economic power to be used as a battering ram against the Arab states which possessed the world's largest oil resources. The United States Francis Boyle Professor of International Law, University of Illinois 44. PART V: THE HONEST BROKER Israel is over there to do our dirty work for us. They are our aircraft carrier over there, our jumping-off point, to keep the region under control, to keep the oil resources close… So I don't think that we are in Israel's pocket. They're in our pocket. We have the power to tell them what to do but people are going to have to start to get organized, to exercise that power to produce peace.

45 A passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils, because it leads to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others; which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concession, both by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. Pres. George Washington, Farewell address to the Union. 45. Favorite nation It gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens the facility to betray or sacrifice the interest of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.

46 The need to challenge U.S. support of the Israeli occupation is more important than ever. Not only has it led to enormous suffering among the Palestinians and other Arabs, ultimately it hurts the long-term interests of both Israel and the United States, as increasingly militant and extremist elements arise out of the Arab and Islamic world in reaction. Stephen Zunes, Associate Professor of Politics, University of San Francisco. 46. Tough love Ultimately, there is no contradiction between support for Israel and support for Palestine, for Israeli security and Palestinian rights are not mutually exclusive but mutually dependent on each other. U.S. support of the Israeli government has repeatedly sabotaged the efforts of peace activists in Israel to change Israeli policy, which the late Israeli General and Knesset member Matti Peled referred to as pushing Israel "toward a posture of calloused intransigence." Perhaps the best kind of support the United States can give Israel is that of “tough love” – unconditional support for Israel's right to live in peace and security within its internationally recognized border, but an equally clear determination to end the occupation. This is the challenge for those who take seriously such basic values as freedom, democracy, and the rule of law.

47 There is no longer any neutral ground for people with an ounce of morality left in them. One way or another, we will all have to choose. With every Palestinian death a little bit of our own souls will die as long as we do nothing. The most damned will be those in Washington who let their own fears and lust for the comfortable position condemn a whole people to a hellish existence, when all along they had the power to relieve them with simply a frown and a stern word. Charley Reese, US journalist and political commentator 47. Washington, not Jerusalem The key to peace in the Middle East is in Washington, not Jerusalem. It is our government that empowers the Israeli government to defy international law and human decency. The Israelis wouldn't last six months without American backing, and they know that. The old canard that the Israelis and Palestinians must settle their differences themselves is just an Israeli-dictated ploy to make sure nobody interferes with their treatment of the Palestinians. It's the same as if the police told a child rape victim, "Go work it out with your rapist." The Palestinian people do not deserve what is happening to them. They do not have the power to stop the Israelis from occupying their land. Our president and our Congress do. But they are afraid of the Israeli lobby. Therefore, if WE do not give the American politicians some backbone by letting them know Americans are tired of being accessories to Israeli aggression, their misery will be unending.

48 First I would ask the following question: Is it in our Jewish self-interest to guarantee our long term survival as a community by staking so much on US patronage, as opposed to working for a more democratic and demilitarized Middle East, or for greater economic and political integration of Israel into the region? Alice Rothchild How can we foster peace between Israelis and Palestinians? 48. A perpetual state of war Let us focus on getting a better understanding of US support. One-third of all US foreign aid goes towards aid to Israel. This amounts to annually $2 billion in military aid, $840 million in economic, and $2 billion in loan guarantees. Most Arab countries are also very dependent on the US, economically, politically, and militarily. We have to ask, whose interests are served by maintaining a region in a perpetual state of war and how is the US complicit? These discussions force us to re-examine the role of the US military-industrial complex in world affairs. I suggest we look back at what we have learned from the US roles in Vietnam and in Central and South America and ask: Who has benefited from US arms and support?

49 Robert Jensen, Professor of Journalism at the University of Texas at Austin I helped kill a Palestinian today. If you pay taxes to the U.S. government, so did you. And unless the policies of the U.S. government change, tomorrow will be no different. 49. I helped kill a Palestinian today

50 (Multiple Sources, see Acknowledgements) The Israeli government is the largest recipient of US financial aid in the world, receiving over one-third of total US aid to foreign countries, even though Israel’s population comprises just.001% of the world’s population and has one the world’s higher per capita incomes. Since 1949 the US has given Israel [as of 1 November 1997] a total of $84,854,827,200. The interest costs born by US taxpayers on behalf of Israel are $49,937,000,000 – making the total amount of aid given to Israel since 1949 more than $134 billion. What is not widely known, however, is that most of this aid violates American laws: $134,791,507,200 U.S. aid to Israel, 1949 -1997 - The US Arms Export Control Act strictly forbids the government from giving military assistance to any country that violates internationally recognized human rights. The US government has eroded its own credibility as an impartial mediator by continuing to arm Israel without restriction and allowing these weapons to be used against civilian populations in violation of US law. - The US Foreign Assistance Act prohibits military and economic aid to any country that engages in a “consistent pattern of gross violations of internationally recognized human rights.” - The Proxmire Amendment bans military assistance to any government that refuses to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and to allow inspection of its nuclear facilities, which Israel refuses to do. 50. US aid to Israel

51 To date [1998], Israel has transferred well over 140,000 Jewish settlers into settlements throughout the occupied territories. These are 100 percent segregated communities, built with taxes from a country where housing discrimination is illegal. The bypass road between Bethlehem and the Gilo settlement. A “Jewish only” road, paid for with American tax dollars. El-Hajj Mauri' Saalakhan 51. Segr egat ed hous ing

52 When Mr. Bush decided to attack Iraq, he was surprised to find all the Arab leaders saying that they won't support [it] as long as the United States continues to allow the Israelis to trample on the rights of the Palestinians. We are in the beginning of payback time for our hypocritical policy of exempting Israel from every one of the ideals that we laboriously preach: Charley Reese, US journalist and political commentator 52. “Payback time” Self-determination is a must for Albanians in Kosovo - not for Palestinians. Countries must obey U.N. Security Council resolutions – but not Israel, which sits in defiance of more than 60. Refugees have a right to return or receive compensation - but not Palestinian refugees. I could go on and on, for the sins against the Palestinians are practically endless. Americans are about to learn a basic truth: We can avoid reality, but we cannot avoid the consequences of avoiding reality. Countries that routinely violate human rights deserve sanctions - except Israel. Countries that assassinate political enemies are state sponsors of terrorism - but not Israel. Countries must not use American-donated weapons for offensive purposes - except for Israel. People who commit war crimes must be put on trial - unless they are Israelis.

53 Reconciliation 53. PART VI: RECONCILIATI ON

54 We, the undersigned Israelis and Palestinians, meeting today in the most difficult of circumstances for both our peoples, come together to call for an end to bloodshed, an end to occupation, an urgent return to negotiations and the realization of peace between our peoples. We hereby raise our voices and implore all people of goodwill to return to sanity, to re-discover compassion, humanity, and critical judgment and to reject the unbearable ease of the descent into fear, hatred, and calls for revenge. Joint Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of 26 July 2001, signed by one hundred intellectuals, politicians, business people, professionals and political activists. On the Palestinian side, these included government ministers (Yasser Abed Rabbo, Nabil Amr, Hisham Abdul-Razek) and intellectuals (Hanan Ashrawi, Sari Nuseibeh, Salim Tamari). Signatories on the Israeli side included Yossi Beilin, Minister of Justice in the Barak government, and prominent writers (Amos Oz, A B Yehoshua, David Grossman). 54. Peace declaration We see it as our duty to work together and each of us in their own communities, to put a halt to the deterioration in our relations, to rebuild trust, belief and the hope for peace. In spite of everything we still believe in the humanity of the other side, that we have a partner for peace and that a negotiated solution to the conflict between our peoples is possible. We must move urgently to rebuild our partnership, to end the de-humanization of the other, and to revive the option of a just peace that holds out promise for our respective futures. The way forward lies in international legitimacy and the implementation of UN Resolutions 242 and 338 leading to a 2-state solution based on the 1967 borders, Israel and Palestine living side-by- side, with their respective capitals in Jerusalem.

55 Endless demonisation and dehumanisation of the "other", enjoyable as they may be in their simplicity, are of very limited value as tools for building a better future. Saeb Erekat 55. Demonisation and dehumanisation

56 Decrying the irrelevance of the other side's leadership, and bemoaning the lack of a partner until someone more aesthetically pleasing comes along, are exercises in avoiding decision-making. Yossi Beilin 56. The other side’s leadership The respective elected, legitimate leaders are the partners for negotiations; the respective peace camps are the people who have to prepare the ground.

57 Perhaps because of the emerging urgency of the demographic reality and the knowledge that even walls cannot prevent occupational hazards from trickling over, a large number of people within and outside the Israeli territories are finally beginning to understand the occupation as a cultural calamity for the occupier as well as the world. Mohsen Al Attar Ahmed, Attorney 57. Effective co- operation In the end, South Africa was saved through effective co-operation. In the end, Palestine will be too. We must reach out to these people.

58 I am on the 'side' of Israelis and Palestinians who seek a just peace that addresses Palestinian rights of self-determination as well as Israeli concerns of security and regional integration. Jeff Halper, Coordinator of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, Professor at Ben-Gurion University 58. Refuse to be enemies I am on the 'side' that stands for equality, human rights, democracy, peaceful co-existence and regional development. I don't care if you are pro-Israeli or pro-Palestinian. I care if you are pro-Peace or anti-Peace...that is all. Pro-Israeli or pro-Palestinian, that is not the mentality of the future. Saeb Erekat

59 Tom Segev, Israeli author. At the age of about six, I once asked [Gabriel Stern, a family friend] what a border was. His reply was to take me on a field trip along the barbed-wire fences, the landmine fields and the row of boarded-up houses that divided Jerusalem. We could see a Jordanian soldier on the Old City walls in the distance, armed with a rifle and binoculars. He observed us as we watched him. “No”, said Gabriel, “a border is not the line that separates the good guys from the bad guys. There are good guys on the other side of the border too, but they don’t know there are good guys on our side, and that is why there is war”. As professional writers most of us believe in the power of words to create a better, more just society, to diminish the wrongs and the violence. Life in a society that is not being conducted in a manner that seems right to us, acts of wrongdoing, and sometimes even real war crimes perpetuated in our name arouse in us the need to at least leave behind a testimony that we were against it. In our vanity, we naturally believe that future generations will read our work and it is important to us that they know: We were the good guys on this side of the border. Gabriel Stern believed [his] voice would reach beyond the border, and that when people over there heard there were good guys on this side too, perhaps the danger of war would be minimized. Sometimes I look back on that charming childhood illusion that the good Gabriel bequeathed to me, and I thank him for it. 59. The border

60 Nations have pride and sensitivities. I hope to God that, one day, the Israelis will be able to hear the word "Palestinians" and not have it insinuate bad things, threats, emergencies. Saeb Erekat “Palestinians” Maybe that will come one day. 60. “Palestinians”


62 62. “We can neve r lose ” The future of Palestine lies in what the Palestinians sustain of their rich culture. Just sustaining our culture is not enough, however. We have to challenge all the death and destruction around us, and give the world the best of ourselves: our arts, our poetry, our kindness and loyalty, our goodness, our intelligence, and our ability to regenerate ourselves after each blow because of the strength that lies in our passion for our homeland. The Palestinians should not live in isolation. We have to communicate with the outside to show the world who we really are. Maybe, we will not manage to bring Palestine back to the world’s atlas in my lifetime, but Palestine will live in our songs, our blue pottery and red embroidery, and that will prove to those who deny us that we truly are a living nation. We will win the cultural battle only if we continue to see the humanity of our enemy, and if we preserve the moral aspect of our cause. As long as we rise above the [racism and dehumanization] we have been exposed to, and never subject others to them, we’ll never be psychologically defeated. “We Can Never Lose” by Dr. Samah Jabr If something good has to come out of the dark years of occupation, it should be a great sense of justice, a commitment to our nation that has suffered decades of oppression and discrimination. Resistance has multiple faces, and maybe the most attractive of all is our working to enhance the Palestinian grass- roots level. By empowering our people and being kind, forgiving and caring about one another, we can undermine the occupation. We are a nation of unarmed civilians and although a nuclear power like Israel can surely win the military battle, and kill most of us, no military power can destroy our love, pride and dignity. We might lose a hundred battles, but as long as we maintain the morality of our struggle, we are the genuine winners of this war. The Israelis might assassinate thousands of our people, and imprison the rest of us in the hope that we will give up our “Palestinian-ness”, but their strategies will backfire, and more importantly, they will reinforce our determination to survive and to teach our children not to sell their rights or settle for less.

63 I am not a psychologist, but I think that everyone who lives with the contradictions of Zionism condemns himself to protracted madness. It's impossible to live like this. It's impossible to live with such a tremendous wrong. It's impossible to live with such conflicting moral criteria. 63. Expiation Haim Hanegbi Israeli journalist & peace activist There is something genetic here that doesn't allow us truly to recognize the Palestinians, doesn't allow us to make peace with them. And that something has to do with the fact that even before the return of the land and the houses and the money, the settlers' first act of expiation toward the natives of this land must be to restore to them their dignity, their memory, their justness. When I see not only the settlements and the occupation and the suppression, but now also the insane wall that the Israelis are trying to hide behind, I have to conclude that there is something very deep here in our attitude to the indigenous people of this land that drives us out of our minds.

64 One day when the peace treaty is achieved, and the Palestinian ambassador presents his credentials to the president of Israel in the Western section of Jerusalem, while the Israeli ambassador presents his to the Palestinian president in East Jerusalem, we shall all have to laugh at the stupidities of our past. Amos Oz 64. One day… Even as we laugh, we shall have to answer for the spilling of so much innocent blood. But the mothers and fathers of the dead will not be laughing.

65 What can a simple man do in front of a huge fire? He could run away, leaving to their fate the others who cannot flee or have nowhere to go. He could also stand and whine, sit and level accusations. Or he could fill the teaspoon in his hand with water, time and time again, and pour it on the flames. Nonetheless... 65. What can a simple man do? These days any person of peace must draw water, in his teaspoon at least, and pour it on the fire: he must raise his voice, demonstrate, argue, work for a rational compromise. The teaspoon in the simple man's hands is very small and the fire is very big.

66 66. Do something ! The Refuser Solidarity Network supports Israelis who refuse to perform military service which supports the Occupation: including reservists who will not serve in the Occupied Territories, and men and women conscripts who refuse to serve at all in the IDF because of their opposition to Occupation. Support Sanity is an independent public campaign devoted to building mass support for an evenhanded two-state solution to the Israel- Palestine conflict, and affirming the common humanity of both Palestinians and Israelis. The following are just a few of the organizations campaigning for an end to the Occupation, or working to alleviate the circumstances of those living under it. They would welcome your support: Playgrounds for Palestine is a not-for-profit organization dedicated to building playgrounds and recreation areas for Palestinian children living under military occupation. The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions is a non-violent, direct-action group originally established to oppose the demolition of Palestinian houses in the Occupied Territories, and now additionally involved in resisting land expropriation, settlement expansion, by- pass road construction, policies of "closure" and “separation”, the wholesale uprooting of fruit and olive trees and more. The Palestine Children's Welfare Fund seeks to improve healthcare and educational opportunities for Palestinian children by donating medical supplies and educational materials to hospitals and schools in Palestinian refugee camps. Jews Against the Occupation is an organization of progressive, secular and religious Jews of all ages throughout the New York City area advocating peace through justice for Palestine and Israel. Not In My Name is a Jewish peace group that works for a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians, beginning the ending of Israel’s occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. Gush Shalom is an Israeli peace organization whose primary aim is to influence Israeli public opinion and lead it towards peace and conciliation with the Palestinian people, based on the principles of an end to occupation and a two-state solution. The Jewish Peace Fellowship is a nondenominational Jewish organization which is committed to active nonviolence as a means of resolving conflict, and which supports Jewish resistance to the arms race worldwide, capital punishment, conscription, the Israeli occupation, and U.S. armed interventions. The International Solidarity Movement is a Palestinian-led movement of Palestinian and International activists working to raise awareness of the struggle for Palestinian freedom and an end to Israeli occupation. It uses nonviolent, direct-action methods of resistance to confront and challenge illegal Israeli occupation forces and policies. Muslim Peace Fellowship a gathering of peace and justice-oriented Muslims of all backgrounds who are dedicated to making the beauty of Islam evident in the world. Christian Peacemaker Teams is a program of Brethren, Quaker and Mennonite Churches and other Christians that support nonviolence. It provides organizational support to persons committed to faith- based nonviolent alternatives in situations where lethal conflict is an immediate reality or is supported by public policy (including a program in Hebron on the West Bank). The US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation is a coalition working to inform, educate, and mobilize the public so as to change those U.S. policies that sustain Israel's 35-year occupation of the Palestinian West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem. It advocates respect for international law, and equal rights for all (including the right to exist in peace and security).

67 Credits I Acknowledgements (links are current as of 9 September 2003): Slide 2 One million Arabs… - The photograph is by Amit Shabi (for Reuters). Sources for the quotes are: “One million Arabs” – by Rabbi Yaacov Perin, from the eulogy for Baruch Goldstein, perpetrator of the Hebron massacre, reported in the New York Times p.1, 28 February 1994; “Blessings for whoever…” – is from an address at a Gaza mosque on 3 August 2001, by Sheik Ibrahim Madhi. Cited in "They Should Be Slaughtered" at; “The killing of a non-Jew” is from Rabbi Yitzhak Ginsburg’s "Five General Religious Duties Which Lie Behind the Act of the Saintly, Late Rabbi Baruch Goldstein, May his Blood be Avenged"; “It is forbidden…” - is from an address at a Gaza mosque on 13 October 2000, by Dr. Ahmad Abu Halabiya. Cited in "They Should Be Slaughtered" at; “…beasts walking on two legs.” – is from a speech by Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin to the Knesset, quoted in Amnon Kapeliouk’s “Begin and the ‘Beasts’ ”, published in the New Statesman, on June 25,1982; “We will not leave one Jew…” – by Dr. Abdel Aziz Rantisi, from his hospital bed, after surviving an attempt at targeted assassination 10 June 2003; reported at; “We must annihilate them.” – By Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, from a sermon given before the 2001 Passover holiday, reported by Ha'aretz on April 12, 2001. Slide 3 What can a simple man do…? - The quote is from Order of the Teaspoon, first published in Israeli mass-circulation daily Yedioth Ahronoth in April 2002, reproduced in the newsletter of Americans for Peace Now (April 22, 2002 ~ Vol. 3 Issue 39). The photograph is from Slide 4 We have to admit… - Cited by Alice Rothchild in Paths to Peace in the Middle East, a talk given at the yearly meeting of the Religious Society of Friends in August 2002. Slide 7 …without a permit from us. - Cited by Alice Rothchild in Paths to Peace in the Middle East, a talk given at the yearly meeting of the Religious Society of Friends in August 2002. The photo is by Lefteris Pitarakis for the Associated Press, and is reproduced from 223_hammami.html Slide 8 … no such thing as a partial democracy – The quote is from Half a Democracy, a commentary published in Ha’aretz on 26 January, 2003. The picture is an Associated Press photo by Nasser Shyoukhi.

68 Slide 9 My son Arik… - The quote is from I would have done the same, a commentary published the The Guardian on 7 August 2002. The photo is from 2002/02/ 2002/02/16489.jpg Slide 10 …domination through violence. – The quote is from All Together Now, an article published in Time Magazine (Europe edition), on 20 September 1993. The photos are from html2/ html2/p31020d.htm Slide 12 …double standards… - The quote is from Keep the peace flame alight, a speech delivered by Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi at the Peace Malaysia International Conference in Kuala Lumpur on February 16, 2003. Slide 13 Resolution 242 - The map is from Slide 15 …where had they gone? - The text is from Cry, the beloved two-state solution, an article by Ari Shavit which appeared in Ha’aretz on 7 August 2003. Slide 16 The Fourth Geneva Convention - Professor Boyle’s quote is from Israel’s Crimes Against Palestinians, published by the Media Monitors Network at Slide 17 …annexation of occupied territory… - The quote is from Israel Buys Time to Absorb East Jerusalem, an article which appeared in the November/December 1993 issue (Page 7-16) of The Washington Report on Middle EastAffairs, available online at The picture of Jerusalem is by Richard T. Nowitz, for Corbis. Slide 18 Land, or Peace? - The quote is from For Israel, Land or Peace, an op-ed by Jimmy Carter, which was published in The Washington Post on 26 November 2000. The photograph of an Israeli hilltop settlement is from Slide 19 Three hundred and seventy thousand Israeli settlers… - Cited by Alice Rothchild in Paths to Peace in the Middle East, a talk given at the yearly meeting of the Religious Society of Friends in August 2002. The photograph of an Israeli hilltop settlement is from Slide 20 If you destroy our houses… - The quotes are from the Website of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions at and Slide 21 - …particular protection and respect. - Quote 1 is from “Birth at the checkpoint, the home or the hospital? - Adapting to the changing reality in Palestine” published by Redress Information & Analysis, online at Quote 2 is from Terrorism by any other name, a commentary published in Ha’aretz on 9 March, 2003 Credits II

69 Slide 22 No protected person may be punished… - The photographs are from Slide 23 …insults and public curiosity… - The photograph is from Slide 24 …physical coercion… - The first quote is from Amnesty International USA’s Report on Human Rights in the Middle East: Israel, the Occupied Territories and the Palestinian Authority, which can be found online at The second quote is from Amnesty International’s Report on Human Rights in Israel and the Occupied Territories (AI Index #: MDE 02/004/1998), of 1 September 1998. Slide 25 Let’s not deceive ourselves… - The quote is taken from an article, Operation ‘Destroy the Data’, published in Ha’aretz on 24 April 2002. The photograph of the vandalized Ramallah Municipal Offices is from Slide 27 Making War - The graphic, System Error, is taken from a collection of Yossi Lemel’s poster art at Slide 28 …nothing justifies the killing… - The quote is from an address to The Israeli & Palestinian Business Leaders Forum, at the Center for Jewish-Arab Economic Development, on 30 January 2002. The photograph is from 0,8543,-11004389890, 0,8543,-11004389890,00.html Slide 29 …bread and circuses… - The quote is from an interview published in Le Monde, December 2001. The photograph is by Alex Libak, and was published in Ha’aretz on 27 March 2002. Slide 30 We shall not continue to fight beyond the 1967 borders … - Text and images are from the Courage to Refuse Web site at Slide 31 …we will continue to experience terror… - The quote is from The Origins of Intifada II and Rescuing Peace for Israelis and Palestinians, a lecture delivered by Prof. Klein at the invitation of The Foundation for Middle East Peace and The Middle East Institute, on 2 October 2002. A transcript can be found at the home page of The Foundation for Middle East Peace, at The photograph is from 2002/09/10/hamas/ hamas 2002/09/10/hamas/ hamas pic Slide 32 …”first they stop the terror”… - The quote is from Amira Hass’s op-ed, Terror as a natural phenomenon, published in Ha’aretz on 15 January 2003. Slide 33 Quote 1 …a bottomless despair…is from an interview published in Le Monde, in December 2001. Quote 2 Revive hope…is from an address to The Israeli & Palestinian Business Leaders Forum, at the Center for Jewish-Arab Economic Development, on 30 January 2002. The photograph of Palestinian body bags at Jenin is by Mike Nelson (Agence France-Presse). Credits III

70 Slide 34 We are still trying to count… - The quote is from We cannot let death have dominion, a commentary published in Ha’aretz on 9 August 2002. The photograph of the coffins outside the UN Headquarters in New York is from Slide 36 …there is an alternative… - The quote is taken from an address to The Israeli & Palestinian Business Leaders Forum, at the Center for Jewish-Arab Economic Development, on 30 January 2002. The photo is from the home page of the Israeli peace group, Gush Shalom, at Slide 37 Innocent civilians are dying… - The quote is taken from Two Stubborn Men, and Many Dead, a New York Times op-ed published on 12 March 2002. The photo is from 0602/ 0602/gilo.asp Slide 38 The Palestinians made their principal concessions – The quote is from Middle East Report Press Information Note 26, Camp David II, of July 26, 2000.htm. The photograph is from pf_1991to_now_oslo_war.php Slide 39 Israel’s generous offer… - The quote is from Middle East Report Press Information Note 26, Camp David II, of July 26, 2000.htm. The photo is from the home page of the Israeli peace group, Gush Shalom, at, which has an excellent map of Israel for comparison (showing how a Jewish homeland might look on 95% of Israel proper). Slide 40 …a toothless Swiss-cheese state… - The quote is from Every Aspect Of Israeli Rule In Practice Works To Oppress And Dehumanize Us, published by the Media Monitors Network at The cartoon is from the home page of the Israeli peace group, Gush Shalom, at Slide 41 …the immediate aftermath of Oslo… – The quote is from The roots of Palestinian despair, published in The Observer on 14 April 2002. The map is from Ran HaCohen’s The Apartheid Wall at Slide 42 …a majority of Israelis understand that they must give up the territories… - The quote is from They just can’t hear each other (Arieli breaks his silence), an article by Akiva Eldar published in Ha’aretz on 12 March, 2003. The map is from Slide 43 …When we return to sanity… - The quote is from Back to a coalition of pragmatism, an op-ed published in Ha’aretz on 9 August 2002. The photo is from the City of Homs, Syria Web site, at Slide 44 The United States – The quote is from “The Al Aqsa Intifada and International Law”,a talk delivered by Professor Boyle at Illinois State University, Bloomington-Normal, on November 30, 2000. Credits IV

71 Slide 45 …favorite nation… – The photograph is a White House photo by Paul Morse Slide 46 …tough love… - The quote is from “Why the U.S. supports Israel”, published by Foreign Policy in Focus in May 2002, at Slide 47 The key to peace in the Middle East... – The quote is from The peace process is dead, an article which appeared in Charley Reese’s regular column in the Orlando Sentinel on 8 May 2001. The full article is available online at The photograph is from www.indymedia.org Slide 48 How can we foster peace…? – The quote is from Alice Rothchild’s Paths to Peace in the Middle East, a talk given at the yearly meeting of the Religious Society of Friends in August 2002. Slide 49 I helped kill a Palestinian… - The quote is from “We bought and paid for carnage of Palestinians”, originally published in the Houston Chronicle on 9 April, 2002. Available online at the author’s home page at The photograph of US-supplied F-15’s of the Israeli Air Force is from f15page_02.html f15page_02.html Slide 50 …in violation of US law… - The amounts of US aid to Israel are from The Washington Report on the Middle East, December 2002, cited by The Palestine Monitor at; information concerning the US Foreign Assistance Act and the Proxmire Amendment are from Matt Bowles’ “US Aid: The Lifeblood of The Occupation”, available at the Web site of The Washington Report on Middle Eastern Affairs at; information regarding the US Arms Export Control Act is from “5 Reasons to Stop US Military Aid to Israel”, prepared by the Stop Us Aid to Israel campaign, at Slide 51 …segregated housing… - The quote is from "Five Mistakes of US Policymakers in the Muslim World," published in the March 1999 edition of The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs. The photograph and accompanying caption are from jlovell/ jlovell/Palestine.htm Slide 52 …payback time… - The quote is from Another Shot in the Foot, published on 1 April 2002 on King Features Syndicate online at Slide 53 Reconciliation – The photograph is from Slide 54 We, the undersigned Israelis and Palestinians… - The full text of the declaration can be read online at Credits V

72 Slide 55 …demonisation and dehumanization… - The quote is from Keep talking, an op-ed co-authored by Yossi Beilin and Saeb Erekat, published in The Guardian on 19 January 2002. The Arafat cartoon is from opiniao.htm; the Sharon cartoon was published in the Qatari newspaper al Watan, on 24 July 2002. opiniao.htm Slide 56 …the irrelevance of the other side’s leadership… - The quote is from Keep talking, an op-ed co- authored by Yossi Beilin and Saeb Erekat, published in The Guardian on 19 January 2002. Slide 58 …we refuse to be enemies… - Quote 1 is from an address to The Israeli & Palestinian Business Leaders Forum, at the Center for Jewish-Arab Economic Development, on 30 January 2002. Quote 2 is cited by Alice Rothchild in Paths to Peace in the Middle East, a talk given at the yearly meeting of the Religious Society of Friends in August 2002. The photograph is from the Women for Peace Web site at Slide 59 – The quote is from the foreword to The Other Israel: Voices of Refusal and Dissent, ISBN 1-56584- 789-X, published by The New Press, 2002. The photograph (of a Seeds of Peace reunion in Gaza) is from…/articles/ mideast_seeds.html…/articles/ mideast_seeds.html Slide 60 Nations have pride…- The quote is from an address to The Israeli & Palestinian Business Leaders Forum, at the Center for Jewish-Arab Economic Development, on 30 January 2002. The photo of Palestinian children is from the City of Homs, Syria Web site, at Slide 61 A dead Palestinian boy… - The quote and photographs are taken from Palestinian boy saves lives of four Israelis, a news item by Samer Khuwayera published on 31 July 2003 at http://www.islam- Slide 62 “We can never lose” - The text is taken from “We can never lose”, a Commentary published in the Palestine Times (London), in March 2002. The photograph is from Slide 63 …the first act of expiation… - The text is from Cry, the beloved two-state solution, an article by Ari Shavit which appeared in Ha’aretz on 7 August 2003. The graphic is from the Liberation Graphics collection of political poster art at Slide 64 One day when the peace treaty is achieved… - The quote is taken from Two Stubborn Men, and Many Dead, a New York Times op-ed published on 12 March 2002. Slide 65 What can a simple man do…? – The quote is from Order of the Teaspoon, first published in Israeli mass-circulation daily Yedioth Ahronoth in April 2002, reproduced in the newsletter of Americans for Peace Now (April 22, 2002 ~ Vol. 3 Issue 39) Credits VI

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