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Week 2a. Morphosyntactic features, part II. Ch. 2, 4.2- CAS LX 522 Syntax I.

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Presentation on theme: "Week 2a. Morphosyntactic features, part II. Ch. 2, 4.2- CAS LX 522 Syntax I."— Presentation transcript:

1 Week 2a. Morphosyntactic features, part II. Ch. 2, 4.2- CAS LX 522 Syntax I

2 Lexical items Recall that part of our language knowledge is the knowledge of the lexicon. Recall that part of our language knowledge is the knowledge of the lexicon. The lexicon is a list of the “words” The lexicon is a list of the “words” More accurately, it is a list of the things sentences are made of. More accurately, it is a list of the things sentences are made of. It is traditionally considered to be where “unpredictable” information is stored. The sound, the meaning, the grammatical category and other features. It is traditionally considered to be where “unpredictable” information is stored. The sound, the meaning, the grammatical category and other features.

3 Features of lexical items A lexical item is a bundle of properties. It is a meaning, paired with instructions for pronunciation, paired with syntactic properties like category. A lexical item is a bundle of properties. It is a meaning, paired with instructions for pronunciation, paired with syntactic properties like category. We represent these properties as features—any given lexical item has We represent these properties as features—any given lexical item has Semantic features Semantic features Phonological features Phonological features Syntactic features Syntactic features When it comes to syntax, syntactic features certainly matter. But no language seems to arrange its sentences such that words that start with t are first. When it comes to syntax, syntactic features certainly matter. But no language seems to arrange its sentences such that words that start with t are first. Hypothesis: Syntax can only “see” syntactic features. Hypothesis: Syntax can only “see” syntactic features.

4 English pronouns The English pronouns make several distinctions over and above a singular/plural distinction. The English pronouns make several distinctions over and above a singular/plural distinction. One distinction is in person, which is sensitive to who is talking and to whom. One distinction is in person, which is sensitive to who is talking and to whom. English (and most languages) distinguish three persons. English (and most languages) distinguish three persons. singularplural first personIwe second personyou third personhe/she/itthey

5 English pronouns We do not want model this with three independent person features [1], [2], and [3], since that would predict eight persons (e.g., [1,3], [1,2,3]). With two features, we only predict four. We do not want model this with three independent person features [1], [2], and [3], since that would predict eight persons (e.g., [1,3], [1,2,3]). With two features, we only predict four. By eliminating [3], we predict the system below, plus the [1,2] combination that is not morphologically distinguished in English. By eliminating [3], we predict the system below, plus the [1,2] combination that is not morphologically distinguished in English. singularplural first person[1]Iwe second person[2]you third person[ ]he/she/itthey

6 Fourth person If [1] indicates the person speaking and [2] indicates the person spoken to, what should [1,2] indicate? If [1] indicates the person speaking and [2] indicates the person spoken to, what should [1,2] indicate? [1,2,pl] = we (including you). [1,2,pl] = we (including you). [1,pl] = we (not including you). [1,pl] = we (not including you). Some languages make this distinction morphologically, e.g., Dakota. No languages seem to distinguish 8 persons. Some languages make this distinction morphologically, e.g., Dakota. No languages seem to distinguish 8 persons.

7 Gender Many languages distinguish nouns on the basis of “gender” as well. Many languages distinguish nouns on the basis of “gender” as well. English: he/she/it (3rd person pronouns) English: he/she/it (3rd person pronouns) Gender often comes in 2-3 flavors (masculine, feminine, neuter) which often corresponds roughly to biological gender where applicable. Gender often comes in 2-3 flavors (masculine, feminine, neuter) which often corresponds roughly to biological gender where applicable.

8 Phi-features (  -features) Collectively, person, number, and gender features are referred to as  - features. Collectively, person, number, and gender features are referred to as  - features. These are the features that are generally involved in subject-verb agreement. These are the features that are generally involved in subject-verb agreement.

9 Case features English pronouns also change form depending on where they are in the sentence, what their syntactic role is. English pronouns also change form depending on where they are in the sentence, what their syntactic role is. He left. I saw him. He saw me. He left. I saw him. He saw me. The information about syntactic position is encoded by case features. The information about syntactic position is encoded by case features. In English, case is only visible on pronouns. In English, case is only visible on pronouns. In many other languages, case is visible on all nouns (and sometimes on words modifying nouns, like adjectives or determiners) In many other languages, case is visible on all nouns (and sometimes on words modifying nouns, like adjectives or determiners)

10 Case names In English, we distinguish nominative (on subjects), genitive (on possessors), and accusative (elsewhere). In English, we distinguish nominative (on subjects), genitive (on possessors), and accusative (elsewhere). SingularPlural NomAccGenNomAccGen Imemyweusour you youryou your hehimhistheythemtheir sheher theythemtheir it itstheythemtheir

11 Features and pronunciation Recall that lexical items are bundles of features. Recall that lexical items are bundles of features. Like [Acc, 1, sg, PRN] Like [Acc, 1, sg, PRN] The syntactic system arranges these lexical items into sentences, and then hands the result off to the A-P and C-I systems (at the interfaces). The syntactic system arranges these lexical items into sentences, and then hands the result off to the A-P and C-I systems (at the interfaces). SingularPlural NomAccGenNomAccGen Imemyweusour you youryou your hehimhistheythemtheir sheher theythemtheir it itstheythemtheir At the A-P interface, [Acc, 1, sg, PRN] is interpreted as “me”.

12 Features and pronunciation Notice that the pronoun paradigm does not make every possible distinction. Notice that the pronoun paradigm does not make every possible distinction. Only 3rd person singular distinguishes gender forms. Only 3rd person singular distinguishes gender forms. 2nd person does not distinguish number or between Nom and Acc. 2nd person does not distinguish number or between Nom and Acc. 3rd person singular feminine doesn’t distinguish between Acc and Gen. 3rd person singular feminine doesn’t distinguish between Acc and Gen. SingularPlural NomAccGenNomAccGen Imemyweusour you youryou your hehimhistheythemtheir sheher theythemtheir it itstheythemtheir This structure can give us a hint about how the interface rules work—more on this in a moment.

13 Verbal features Some features are specific to verbs… Some features are specific to verbs… [past], for example, differentiating write from wrote, kick from kicked. This is a tense feature. [past], for example, differentiating write from wrote, kick from kicked. This is a tense feature. Some languages have a special form of the verb for future as well, [future]. Some languages have a special form of the verb for future as well, [future]. We can characterize present tense as being non-past, non-future. We can characterize present tense as being non-past, non-future. In English, future is expressed in other ways, with a modal (will) or with the verb go. English does not seem to make use of the [future] feature; in English we have just past and non-past. In English, future is expressed in other ways, with a modal (will) or with the verb go. English does not seem to make use of the [future] feature; in English we have just past and non-past. (cf. duals and the use of the [sg] feature on nouns) (cf. duals and the use of the [sg] feature on nouns)

14 Participles English verbs can also take on a participle form: writing, written. English verbs can also take on a participle form: writing, written. These don’t express tense, but rather aspect. These don’t express tense, but rather aspect. The -ing form is the “present participle” and appears after the auxiliary verb be, indicating a continuing event. The -ing form is the “present participle” and appears after the auxiliary verb be, indicating a continuing event. The -en form is the “past participle” and appears after the auxiliary verb have, indicating a completed event. The -en form is the “past participle” and appears after the auxiliary verb have, indicating a completed event. Tense can still be expressed—on the auxiliary: I have written, I had written, I am writing, I was writing. Tense can still be expressed—on the auxiliary: I have written, I had written, I am writing, I was writing. Adger’s proposal: Adger’s proposal: Present participle:[V, part](writing) Present participle:[V, part](writing) Past participle:[V, part, past](written) Past participle:[V, part, past](written)

15 Bare verb/infinitive I want to win the lottery. I want to win the lottery. The bare form of the verb (often appearing after to) is the infinitive. The bare form of the verb (often appearing after to) is the infinitive. We will assign infinitive forms the feature [Inf]. We will assign infinitive forms the feature [Inf]. The fact that the infinitive is a bare verb (no suffixes or other inflection) in English may be something of a coincidence. Other languages mark the infinitive with a special verb form, on a par with participles or tensed verbs. The fact that the infinitive is a bare verb (no suffixes or other inflection) in English may be something of a coincidence. Other languages mark the infinitive with a special verb form, on a par with participles or tensed verbs.

16 Verb agreement Verbs very often (across languages) agree with the subject in  -features as well. Verbs very often (across languages) agree with the subject in  -features as well. I eat bagels. He eats bagels. They eat bagels. I eat bagels. He eats bagels. They eat bagels. However, eat isn’t really “plural” in any sense. Plurality is a property of the subject, but it is reflected in the morphology of the verb. However, eat isn’t really “plural” in any sense. Plurality is a property of the subject, but it is reflected in the morphology of the verb. This may be the clearest example of the distinction between interpretable and uninterpretable features. The  -features are interpretable on the noun, but uninterpretable on the verb. (We’ll continue to discuss this distinction) This may be the clearest example of the distinction between interpretable and uninterpretable features. The  -features are interpretable on the noun, but uninterpretable on the verb. (We’ll continue to discuss this distinction)

17 Verb agreement In English, only finite verbs show agreement (those that are not infinitives or participles). In English, only finite verbs show agreement (those that are not infinitives or participles). In fact, only present tense verbs do, with the single exception of the copula (be). In fact, only present tense verbs do, with the single exception of the copula (be). In other languages, agreement sometimes appears on other forms. Participles, for example, sometimes agree with their object. Infinitives very rarely agree with anything. In other languages, agreement sometimes appears on other forms. Participles, for example, sometimes agree with their object. Infinitives very rarely agree with anything.

18 A brief excursion We’ve determined that English differentiates past and nonpast, and Adger suggests looking at this as a privative distinction, between having the feature [past] and not having it. We’ve determined that English differentiates past and nonpast, and Adger suggests looking at this as a privative distinction, between having the feature [past] and not having it. So far, this makes the same combinatorial predictions as a binary feature [±past] would. So far, this makes the same combinatorial predictions as a binary feature [±past] would. Is there any way to decide which is better? Is there any way to decide which is better?

19 The morphology of be Suppose our features are privative and we want to lay out some pronunciation rules for the A-P interface for the verb be. Suppose our features are privative and we want to lay out some pronunciation rules for the A-P interface for the verb be. There are only five different pronunciations for the 12 cells in the paradigm. There are only five different pronunciations for the 12 cells in the paradigm. [past] [pl] [1]1amarewaswere [2]2are were 3isarewaswere Suppose that our pronunciation rules at the interface look at the feature bundle and determine the pronunciation.

20 The morphology of be Pronunciation rules: Pronunciation rules: [pl, past] = were [pl, past] = were [pl] = are [pl] = are The way this works is that the most specific rule that matches the features takes priority. The way this works is that the most specific rule that matches the features takes priority. Features not mentioned don’t matter. Features not mentioned don’t matter. [past] [pl] [1]1amarewaswere [2]2are were 3isarewaswere [1, pl, past] yields “were” [1, pl] yields “are” [2, pl, past] yields “were” …

21 The morphology of be Pronunciation rules: Pronunciation rules: [pl, past] = were [pl, past] = were [pl] = are [pl] = are So let’s try to work out the rest of the rules. So let’s try to work out the rest of the rules. Notice that am and is only appear in one cell; they are the most specific. Was appears in 2, are appears in 3, were appears in 4. Notice that am and is only appear in one cell; they are the most specific. Was appears in 2, are appears in 3, were appears in 4. [past] [pl] [1]1amarewaswere [2]2are were 3isarewaswere

22 The morphology of be Pronunciation rules: Pronunciation rules: [pl, past] = were [pl, past] = were [1, past] = was [1, past] = was [2, past] = were [2, past] = were [3, past] = was [3, past] = was [pl] = are [pl] = are [1] = am [1] = am [2] = are [2] = are [3] = is [3] = is [past] [pl] [1]1amarewaswere [2]2are were 3isarewaswere We find that we have more rules than pronunciations— two rules each for were, was, and are. But what if we could refer to the absence of [pl]?

23 The morphology of be If our features are binary, we can come up with a much more economical set of pronunciation rules, one per pronunciation. If our features are binary, we can come up with a much more economical set of pronunciation rules, one per pronunciation. [-past][+past] [-pl][+pl][-pl] [+1,-2]1amarewaswere [-1,+2]2are were [-1,-2]3isarewaswere

24 The morphology of be Notice also that were, which occupies the most cells in the paradigm, is treated as a default in these rules. You pronounce were if no other rule matches. Notice also that were, which occupies the most cells in the paradigm, is treated as a default in these rules. You pronounce were if no other rule matches. [-past][+past] [-pl][+pl][-pl] [+1,-2]1amarewaswere [-1,+2]2are were [-1,-2]3isarewaswere [+1, -past, -pl] = am [+1, -past] = is [-1] = was [-past] = are [] = were

25 The morphology of be This fact can be taken in as support for viewing these features as binary valued, rather than privative. This fact can be taken in as support for viewing these features as binary valued, rather than privative. You can write pronunciation rules using either system, but one system yields significantly more elegant results. You can write pronunciation rules using either system, but one system yields significantly more elegant results. [-past][+past] [-pl][+pl][-pl] [+1,-2]1amarewaswere [-1,+2]2are were [-1,-2]3isarewaswere [+1, -past, -pl] = am [+1, -past] = is [-1] = was [-past] = are [] = were

26 Bibliographical note and comment about the future This view of the syntax-morphology interface, when you get out to the literature, generally goes by the name “Distributed Morphology” so named because the pronunciation rules are relatively separate from the syntactic rules. The primary source for this is Halle & Marantz (1993) (in Adger’s bibliography). This view of the syntax-morphology interface, when you get out to the literature, generally goes by the name “Distributed Morphology” so named because the pronunciation rules are relatively separate from the syntactic rules. The primary source for this is Halle & Marantz (1993) (in Adger’s bibliography). For our purposes in this class, we will actually not spend much more time analyzing pronunciation rules or even worrying about whether features should be privative or binary— we will usually simply label feature bundles like [+N,-V] as [N], [-pl] as [sg]. But this is a convenience, there are interesting questions to explore at this lower level as well— outside of this class, we have plenty of other things to do. For our purposes in this class, we will actually not spend much more time analyzing pronunciation rules or even worrying about whether features should be privative or binary— we will usually simply label feature bundles like [+N,-V] as [N], [-pl] as [sg]. But this is a convenience, there are interesting questions to explore at this lower level as well— outside of this class, we have plenty of other things to do.

27                       


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