1. A and Ā movement in L1: The Passive

2. Passive Mary i was kissed t i by John Passive is A-movement rather than A ’ -movement Passive is A-movement rather than A ’ -movement The subject is the patient (no necessary agent) The subject is the patient (no necessary agent) The transitive verb has unique morphology (with or without an auxiliary verb) which makes it intransitive The transitive verb has unique morphology (with or without an auxiliary verb) which makes it intransitive The passive derives n-place predicate from n+1-place predicate The passive derives n-place predicate from n+1-place predicate Not all languages permit an agent-phrase (by phrase), and the same agent-phase can occur with non-passive verbs Not all languages permit an agent-phrase (by phrase), and the same agent-phase can occur with non-passive verbs

3. What is passive used for? A forgrounding and backgrounding operation A forgrounding and backgrounding operation John kissed Mary John kissed Mary Mary was kissed (by John) Mary was kissed (by John) Mary, John kissed (topicalization) Mary, John kissed (topicalization) As for Mary, John kissed her (left-dislocation) As for Mary, John kissed her (left-dislocation)

4. What distinguishes passive from topicalization? A passive sentence can undergo topicalization, while the topicalization and left dislocation cannot A passive sentence can undergo topicalization, while the topicalization and left dislocation cannot Passive is A-movement rather than A ’ -movement Passive is A-movement rather than A ’ -movement Mary i was kissed t i (by John) Mary i was kissed t i (by John) The subject is the patient (no necessary agent) The subject is the patient (no necessary agent) The transitive verb has unique morphology (with or without an auxiliary verb) which makes it intransitive The transitive verb has unique morphology (with or without an auxiliary verb) which makes it intransitive Topicalization and left dislocation are not marked on the verb/predicate, but only (if at all) on the noun. Topicalization and left dislocation are not marked on the verb/predicate, but only (if at all) on the noun.

5. Passive of intransitive verbs Impersonal passive Impersonal passive Gestern wurde getanzt (German) Gestern wurde getanzt (German) yesterday became dance ‘ Yesterday there was dancing ’ Burada oynamir (Turkish) Burada oynamir (Turkish) here played ‘ Playing takes place here ’

6. Verbal vs. adjectival The girl is covered (by the boy) The covered girl (*by the boy) Ha-yalda mexusa (al yedey ha-yeled) the-girl cover-pass (on hands the-boy) ‘ The girl is covered (by the boy) ’

7. Morphological vs. Periphrastic Dani nishek et Dina Dani nishek et Dina Dina nushka (al yedey Dani) Dan kissed Diana Dan kissed Diana Diana was kissed (by Dan) Diana got kissed (by Dan) A language may have more than one way of expressing passive (e.g. Danish)

8. The By-Phrase Not all languages permit an agent-phrase Not all languages permit an agent-phrase The same agent-phrase can occur with non-passive verbs The same agent-phrase can occur with non-passive verbs Agent-phrases are usually oblique (but not always Agent-phrases are usually oblique (but not always

9. Issues in acquisition Reversible vs. non-reversible Reversible vs. non-reversible Actional vs. non-actional Actional vs. non-actional Adjectival vs. verbal Adjectival vs. verbal Do children understand the by-phrase? Do children understand the by-phrase? Comprehension vs. production Comprehension vs. production

10. Acquisition Actional vs. non-actional Actional vs. non-actional Kids are better at actional passives than nonactional passives (Fox & Grodzinsky 1995): Jasmine was combed (by Wendy) Jasmine was combed (by Wendy) Peter Pan was feared (by Captain Hook) Peter Pan was feared (by Captain Hook) Do children understand the by-phrase. Do children understand the by-phrase. Kids are better at short passives (without the by-phrase) earlier than long passives.

11. The by(agent)-phrase problem (stative- preference) Adjective Passive is acquired earlier than verbal Passive (Hogan, 1978), Borer & Wexler (1987). Adjective Passive is acquired earlier than verbal Passive (Hogan, 1978), Borer & Wexler (1987). Adjective (stative structures) do not permit by-phrases. Adjective (stative structures) do not permit by-phrases. By-phrase is less frequent in input. By-phrase is less frequent in input.

12. Reliance on Canonical word order The canonical sentence strategy for English: NP - V - NP = Agent - Action - Theme. Turner & Rommentveit (1967): Reversible passives are later acquired than non-reversible passives. Turner & Rommentveit (1967): Reversible passives are later acquired than non-reversible passives. Canonical word order is preferred acquisition device. Canonical word order is preferred acquisition device. It ’ s the most basic in many languages (Givon, 1984). It ’ s the most basic in many languages (Givon, 1984).

13. Semantics: actional vs non- actional/experiential verbs Sudhalter & Braine (1985): Sudhalter & Braine (1985): Subjects: 3, 5 & 6 year-olds Test: Child is asked to pick-out the that is the agent. e.g. A )The owl was called by the dog. B) The owl was seen by the dog. B) The owl was seen by the dog. Actional passives are acquired earlier than non-actional passives. Similar results by Maratos et al (1979), de Villiers (1980), Maratos et al. (1985), Gordon and Chafetz (1990). Lebeaux (1988): children prefer passives where the subject is affected or changed by the action, e.g. Hit/melt versus seen/liked.

14. Immature perspective-taking Suzuki, T. (2002?): Subjects: 3 - 6 year-old Japanese children. Method: An Acting-out task. Results: Passive was sig. better understood, when a) the child ’ s (John) toy is encoded as a subject (but carried out the patient role) compared to a b) non-subject, eg. a) John ’ s dog is hit by a cat. (subject with patient role). b) A cat is hit by John ’ s dog. (non-subject). NO effect for active constructions!

15. The example of Hebrew The passive is morphologically derived using different conjugations (pattern). Adjectival Passive PassiveActive CaCuC (pa ’ ul) shavur ‘ broken ’ niCCaC (nif ’ al)* nishbar ‘ was broken ’ CaCaC (pa ’ al) shavar ‘ broke ’ MeCuCaC (mefu ’ al) mesupar ‘ has a hair cut ’ CuCaC (pu ’ al) supar ‘ got a hair cut ’ mesupar ‘ gets …’ CiCeC (pi ’ el) siper ‘ gave a hair cut ’ muCCaC (muf ’ al) mustar ‘ hidden ’ huCCaC (huf ’ al) hustar ‘ was hidden ’ Mustar ‘ is hidden ’ hiCCiC (hif ’ il) histir ‘ hid ’ *This conjugation is also unaccusative, e.g., the door opened

16. Acquisition of Passive in Hebrew Adjectival passives are used from the age of 3, but verbal passives do not emerge in Hebrew-speaking children until school age (Berman & Sagi (1981), Borer & Wexler (1987), Berman (1994)) Adjectival passives are used from the age of 3, but verbal passives do not emerge in Hebrew-speaking children until school age (Berman & Sagi (1981), Borer & Wexler (1987), Berman (1994)) While preschool children comprehend the adjectival passive, comprehension of verbal passive is later (Sudhalter & Braine 1985). While preschool children comprehend the adjectival passive, comprehension of verbal passive is later (Sudhalter & Braine 1985). In Hebrew, passive is fully acquired by the age of 9, Nif ’ al is acquired first and the other two conjugations only by 8-9 (Ravid, Landau and Lubazky (2003)). In Hebrew, passive is fully acquired by the age of 9, Nif ’ al is acquired first and the other two conjugations only by 8-9 (Ravid, Landau and Lubazky (2003)). Nif ’ al (niCCaC) is acquired first because the same conjugation also has an unaccusative reading. Nif ’ al (niCCaC) is acquired first because the same conjugation also has an unaccusative reading.

17. Aim To test the age of comprehension of Hebrew verbal passive, using a picture selection task conducted in two conditions (without and with a previous description) To test the age of comprehension of Hebrew verbal passive, using a picture selection task conducted in two conditions (without and with a previous description) To show that previous description of the picture by the child facilitates comprehension of the passive sentence at a younger age. To show that previous description of the picture by the child facilitates comprehension of the passive sentence at a younger age. To argue that children ’ s limited performance reflects processing difficulties rather than limited comprehension. To argue that children ’ s limited performance reflects processing difficulties rather than limited comprehension.

18. Subjects The third age group (5;0-6;6) was initially divided into two age groups. Since all 15 performed equally, the two groups were integrated. 46 subjects, ages 2;0 to 6;0 were arbitrarily selected from three different kindergartens. All children were native speakers of Hebrew with normal language development, from middle SES

19. Procedure A picture selection task using 12 reversible actional passives with a by-phrase, 6 in Nif ’ al (niCCaC) and 6 in Pu ’ al (CuCaC). A picture selection task using 12 reversible actional passives with a by-phrase, 6 in Nif ’ al (niCCaC) and 6 in Pu ’ al (CuCaC). 3 of the Nif ’ al passives also had an unaccusative reading without the by-phrase 3 of the Nif ’ al passives also had an unaccusative reading without the by-phrase 3 of the Pu ’ al passives had an adjectival reading in the present tense 3 of the Pu ’ al passives had an adjectival reading in the present tense 6 of the sentences in each condition matched world knowledge and 6 didn ’ t 6 of the sentences in each condition matched world knowledge and 6 didn ’ t

20. The child saw the two pictures and heard one of the following sentences: Ima surka al yedey ha-yalda Mom was-combed by the-girl Ha-yalda surka al yedey ima The-girl was-combed by Mom The child was asked to place her puppet on the corresponding picture.

21. In the first condition, the set of 12 pictures was first presented without previous discussion of the picture, and child was asked to place the puppet on the appropriate picture. In the first condition, the set of 12 pictures was first presented without previous discussion of the picture, and child was asked to place the puppet on the appropriate picture. In the second condition, which was always presented after the first one, the pictures were presented again, but this time the child was asked to describe the picture before presented with the target sentence. In the second condition, which was always presented after the first one, the pictures were presented again, but this time the child was asked to describe the picture before presented with the target sentence. Previous studies suggest that children are consistent when retested on the same task (Gordon & Chafetz, 1990), but other studies suggest that allowing the child to describe the picture reduces the processing load created by the need to convert an frozen picture into an ongoing situation (Granger et al 2005) Previous studies suggest that children are consistent when retested on the same task (Gordon & Chafetz, 1990), but other studies suggest that allowing the child to describe the picture reduces the processing load created by the need to convert an frozen picture into an ongoing situation (Granger et al 2005) The two conditions

22. Findings – without previous description

23. Findings – without previous description – by conjugation

24. Comprehension of passive without previous discussion Looking at the overall performance, the 3s and 4s seem to score slightly above chance, while the 5s and 6s show comprehension of passive (~80% success). Looking at the overall performance, the 3s and 4s seem to score slightly above chance, while the 5s and 6s show comprehension of passive (~80% success). Comparing the two conjugations, all age groups score better (and above chance) with nif ’ al. Comparing the two conjugations, all age groups score better (and above chance) with nif ’ al. Both 3s and 4s seem to score at chance (50%) with pu ’ al Both 3s and 4s seem to score at chance (50%) with pu ’ al

25. Passive – A crosslinguistic study Passive – A crosslinguistic study COST Action A33

26. Procedure Task I – Short passive, Task II – Long passive Tasks I and II consists of two parts: Part I: Powerpoint presentation of the family and the characters. Part II: Powerpoint prerecorded picture selection task with 4 pictures for comprehension of passive constructions. Each part has a male and a female version. The two gender versions should be counterbalanced in presentation Different children are tested on short and long passive.

27. Design - verbs 10 core verbs 5 male verbs – hug, wipe/dry, cover, carry, pull 5 female verbs – push, check (up), feed, kiss, wash 12 non-core verbs 6 male verbs - make-up/paint, shave, photograph, tickle, bite, hit 6 female verbs – scratch, comb, chase, stroke, dirty, draw Core verbs always precede non-core verbs. Test all the verbs unless they are really bad in the target language Verbs are presented in the present tense in a constant order. Each verb appears once in the active and once in the passive

28. Preliminary Summary of findings – 5s 

29. Hebrew *

30. Hebrew

31. A and Ā movement in L1: WH-Questions

32. Questions in English Yes/no questions are marked only by subject-auxiliary inversion, i.e., an overt syntactic change in word order in which the auxiliary is raised into C. Do-support operates when there is no auxiliary is the declarative. Yes/no questions are marked only by subject-auxiliary inversion, i.e., an overt syntactic change in word order in which the auxiliary is raised into C. Do-support operates when there is no auxiliary is the declarative. [Spec, CP] is the target for overt Wh-movement both in matrix and embedded clauses, with subject-auxiliary inversion in matrix clauses, but not in embedded clause. Do-support operates when there is no auxiliary is the declarative. [Spec, CP] is the target for overt Wh-movement both in matrix and embedded clauses, with subject-auxiliary inversion in matrix clauses, but not in embedded clause. Do-support operates when there is no auxiliary is the declarative. a. What did the child see? a. What did the child see? b. The teacher wondered what the child saw. b. The teacher wondered what the child saw.

33. Questions in Adult Hebrew Yes/no questions are marked only by rising intonation without overt syntactic change in word order. In formal speech, yes/no questions are preceded by a question mark haim 'whether' Yes/no questions are marked only by rising intonation without overt syntactic change in word order. In formal speech, yes/no questions are preceded by a question mark haim 'whether' [Spec, CP] is the target for overt Wh-movement both in matrix and embedded clauses, but no obligatory verb raising or subject- auxiliary inversion occurs. [Spec, CP] is the target for overt Wh-movement both in matrix and embedded clauses, but no obligatory verb raising or subject- auxiliary inversion occurs. 1. a.ma ra'a ha-yeled? ‘ what saw the-child? ’ b. ma ha-yeled ra'a? b. ma ha-yeled ra'a? ‘ what the-child saw? ’ 2. a.ha-mora sha'ala ma ha-yeled ra'a ‘ the-teacher asked what the-child saw ’ b.ha-mora sha'ala ma ra'a ha-yeled b.ha-mora sha'ala ma ra'a ha-yeled ‘ the-teacher asked what saw the-child ’ There is no difference between matrix and embedded clause. There is no difference between matrix and embedded clause.

34. TD Acquisition - English Phase I Children use neither modals nor auxiliaries Children use neither modals nor auxiliaries Yes/no questions are marked only with rising intonation Yes/no questions are marked only with rising intonation Wh-word appears sentence initially in wh-questions without inversion. Wh-word appears sentence initially in wh-questions without inversion. A limited set, ‘ what, ’ ‘ where ’ and ‘ why, ’ ( ‘ where NP go?, ’ ‘ what NP doing? ’ ) A limited set, ‘ what, ’ ‘ where ’ and ‘ why, ’ ( ‘ where NP go?, ’ ‘ what NP doing? ’ ) Children do not seem to understand wh-questions and their responses are often inappropriate (Radford 1990) Children do not seem to understand wh-questions and their responses are often inappropriate (Radford 1990)

35. Phase II Auxiliary verbs are used in subject auxiliary inversion for yes/no questions Auxiliary verbs are used in subject auxiliary inversion for yes/no questions Auxiliary verbs are not used for wh-questions. Auxiliary verbs are not used for wh-questions. Wh-questions involve productive use of an extended set of wh-words, but no inversion. Wh-questions involve productive use of an extended set of wh-words, but no inversion. Phase III Children make adult use of question formation, which involves subject-auxiliary inversion. Children make adult use of question formation, which involves subject-auxiliary inversion.

36. TD Acquisition - Hebrew Armon-Lotem (1996) - Longitudinal study of 4 children aged 1;6 - 3;0. 4 phases. a. Formulaic forms 3. a.ma asit?[Lior1;09;25] what you-did 'what have you done?' (limited to dirtying her pants) b.ma kara?[Lior 1;09;16] b.ma kara?[Lior 1;09;16] ‘ what happened? ’ These formulaic questions correlate with the acquisition of the gender and number distinctions (AgrPrt) and lack of overt knowledge of Tns. b. Non-formulaic questions with verbs inflected for gender & number 4. lama ata boxe?[Lior 1;11;00] why you-sg-ms cry-sg-ms 'Why are you crying?' This phase correlates with the use of Tns and to certain extent AgrS in the declarative sentences. c. Productive use of questions with all inflections & null subject 5. a.ma asiti aba?[Lior 2;01;18] 5. a.ma asiti aba?[Lior 2;01;18] what I-did Daddy 'what have I done, Daddy?' b.ma samti?[Lior 2;01;18] b.ma samti?[Lior 2;01;18] what I-put 'What did I put?' d. Adult-like full questions 6. a.lama at lo kanit et ze? why you-sg-fm not bought-2-sg-fm ACC it ‘ Why didn ’ t you buy it? ’ [Yuval 2;06] b.ma hu lo hevi li? b.ma hu lo hevi li? what he not brought-3-sg-ms to-me ‘ What didn ’ t he bring me? ’ [Yuval 2;07] Adultlike wh-questions are used just before complementizers are mastered.

37. What determines the order in which questions are acquired? Wh in-situ hypothesis (WISH) – universally wh in-situ with no overt movement is allowed by UG. Subject questions can be interpreted as in-situ, while objects require movement. Wh in-situ hypothesis (WISH) – universally wh in-situ with no overt movement is allowed by UG. Subject questions can be interpreted as in-situ, while objects require movement. Vacuous movement hypothesis (VMH) – the wh- parameter can be either + or – movement, but we should not have both options within one language. In English all questions involve movement, only it is invisible for subjects Vacuous movement hypothesis (VMH) – the wh- parameter can be either + or – movement, but we should not have both options within one language. In English all questions involve movement, only it is invisible for subjects Proper government hypothesis (PGH) - traces (of movement) must be properly governed. Object traces are theta-governed by the verb, while subject (and adjunct) traces must be antecedent governed (cf. complements are obligatory, everything else is optional). Proper government hypothesis (PGH) - traces (of movement) must be properly governed. Object traces are theta-governed by the verb, while subject (and adjunct) traces must be antecedent governed (cf. complements are obligatory, everything else is optional).

38. Predictions: WISH – subject questions first WISH – subject questions first VMH – subject and object questions at the same time VMH – subject and object questions at the same time PGH – object questions first PGH – object questions first

39. Stromswold, K. 1995. The acquisition of subject and object wh-questions. Longitudinal study of 12 children in CHILDES. Longitudinal study of 12 children in CHILDES. Who and what are acquired almost simultaneously, around age 2;5. Object questions are acquired at the same age or earlier than subject questions. Who and what are acquired almost simultaneously, around age 2;5. Object questions are acquired at the same age or earlier than subject questions. All children asked at least one long distance object question (mean age 2;10), but only one child asked a long distance subject question (at 5;0). All children asked at least one long distance object question (mean age 2;10), but only one child asked a long distance subject question (at 5;0).

40. By the age of 2;6 TD children use wh-movement properly TD children use wh-movement properly TD children do not show problem with wh- non-local dependency TD children do not show problem with wh- non-local dependency TD children have no problem with theta- government TD children have no problem with theta- government

41. Elicited Production The nurse feeds someone. Burney knows who. Ask Burney.

42. Comprehension: Picture selection task Michal Cohen Subject vs. Object Who is pushimng the girl? Who is the girl pushing?

43. Other topics: From Singleton to Exhaustive: the Acquisition of Wh- Roeper, T., Schulz, P., Pearson, B. Z. & Reckling, I. (2006). From singleton to exhaustive: The acquisition of wh-. Proceedings of SULA 2005 Conference (Semantics of Understudied Languages), Buffalo NY.

44. Who is eating what? Double wh-question - Paired answer

45. Who is wearing a hat? Exhaustive answer, singleton answer, plural answer

46. The [+variable] Feature Necessary in order to recognize exhaustivity Necessary in order to recognize exhaustivity Specificity: relating to pre-established elements in the discourse Specificity: relating to pre-established elements in the discourse  +Specific = - variable = singleton,  -Specific = +variable = exhaustive/paired. Child ’ s initial default assumption: Questions are specific in nature Child ’ s initial default assumption: Questions are specific in nature

47. Results All children pass through a singleton stage around age 4- 5. All children pass through a singleton stage around age 4- 5. Singleton readings in four-year-olds: Singleton readings in four-year-olds: English 79%, German 52% English 79%, German 52% Exhaustive responses Exhaustive responses Age 5: German 80%, English 27% Age 5: German 80%, English 27% Age 6: German 85%, English 75% Age 6: German 85%, English 75% Age 7: German 84%, English 74% Age 7: German 84%, English 74% Plural responses: 6% Plural responses: 6%

48. A and Ā movement in L1: Relative Clauses

49. Types of complex clauses Complement clauses – I want to drink, I know that she is late Complement clauses – I want to drink, I know that she is late Coordinate clauses – I like juice and she likes water Coordinate clauses – I like juice and she likes water Adverbial clauses – I went to sleep when we got home Adverbial clauses – I went to sleep when we got home Relative clauses – The man who Mary saw was funny Relative clauses – The man who Mary saw was funny

50. Preconjunctional subordinate clause (PSC) 1. a.roce Yuvali yiftax xashmal want Yuvali will-open light 'I want that Yuvali will turn on the light' [Yuval 2;01;00] 2. a.*ze regel koevet lax this foot-fm hurts-fm you 'This is the foot that hurts you'[Lior 1;10;08] b.*ze shaon ose tuktuk b.*ze shaon ose tuktuk this clock does ticktock 'This is a clock that goes ticktock'[Leor 2;1]

51. Order of acquisition Order for English (Bloom et al 1980, Bowerman 1979) (1)Complement clauses – I want to drink, I know that she is late (2)Coordinate clauses – I like juice and she likes water (3)Adverbial clauses – I went to sleep when we got home (4)Relative clauses – The man who Mary saw was funny Order for Hebrew ( Kaplan 1983, Dromi and Berman 1986) (1)Coordinate clauses (2)Subordination, complementation by an embedded question precedes complementation by a declarative sentential complement, (3)Adverbials clauses for causativity and then for temporality. (4)Relative clauses.

52. First Occurrence of the Three Types of Subordinate Clauses in Six Hebrew- Speaking Children

53. Relative clauses The girl i that John kissed t i is nice Relative clauses involve an A'-movement which yields coindexation of an NP in the main clause with a gap in the embedded clause, through an operator. Relative clauses involve an A'-movement which yields coindexation of an NP in the main clause with a gap in the embedded clause, through an operator. The operator carries the theta-role of its trace/gap The operator carries the theta-role of its trace/gap subject vs. object subject vs. object

54. Some languages have resumptive pronouns in RCs Some languages have resumptive pronouns in RCs ha-yalda she dani nishek ota nexmada the-girl that Dani kissed her nice 'The girl that Dani kissed is nice'

55. Issues in acquisition Production vs. comprehension Production vs. comprehension Resumptive NPs Resumptive NPs Subject vs. object Subject vs. object

56. Types of relative clauses Subject RC Subject RC The man who _ reads the book is my friend The man who _ reads the book is my friend I saw the man who _ read my book I saw the man who _ read my book האיש ש _ קרא את הספר הוא ידידי האיש ש _ קרא את הספר הוא ידידי פגשתי את האיש ש _ קרא את הספר פגשתי את האיש ש _ קרא את הספר Object RC Object RC The man who David saw _ is my friend The man who David saw _ is my friend I met the man who David saw _ I met the man who David saw _ האיש שדויד ראה _ הוא ידידי האיש שדויד ראה _ הוא ידידי פגשתי את האיש שדויד ראה _ פגשתי את האיש שדויד ראה _

57. Resumptive pronouns האיש ש (* הוא ) קרא את הספר הוא ידידי האיש ש (* הוא ) קרא את הספר הוא ידידי האיש שפגשתי ( אותו ) הוא ידידי האיש שפגשתי ( אותו ) הוא ידידי האיש שנתתי לו מתנה הוא ידידי האיש שנתתי לו מתנה הוא ידידי The man who I gave a present to (*him) is my friend The man who I gave a present to (*him) is my friend האיש שישבתי לידו הוא ידידי האיש שישבתי לידו הוא ידידי The man who I sat next to (*him) is my friend The man who I sat next to (*him) is my friend

58. Pied piping האיש שלו נתתי _ מתנה הוא ידידי האיש שלו נתתי _ מתנה הוא ידידי The man to whom I gave a present _ is my friend The man to whom I gave a present _ is my friend האיש שלידו ישבתי _ הוא ידידי האיש שלידו ישבתי _ הוא ידידי The man next to whom I sat _ is my friend The man next to whom I sat _ is my friend

59. The head external analysis (Chomsky 1977, Jackendoff 1977, Partee 1975) The man [ CP who i [ C 0 ] [ IP Mary loves t i ]] is my friend The man [ CP who i [ C 0 ] [ IP Mary loves t i ]] is my friend The man [ CP Op i [ C that] [ IP Mary loves t i ]] is my friend The man [ CP Op i [ C that] [ IP Mary loves t i ]] is my friend The man [ CP Op i [ C 0 ] [ IP Mary loves t i ]] is my friend The man [ CP Op i [ C 0 ] [ IP Mary loves t i ]] is my friend The head noun is base-generated outside CP The head noun is base-generated outside CP The operator undergoes A'-movement to [Spec CP] The operator undergoes A'-movement to [Spec CP] The relative clause is right adjoined to the head noun The relative clause is right adjoined to the head noun The head noun and CP are combined via predication The head noun and CP are combined via predication Resumptive pronouns are either base generated (a non- movement analysis) or traces spell out (a movement analysis). Resumptive pronouns are either base generated (a non- movement analysis) or traces spell out (a movement analysis).

60. Comprehension of relative clauses by monolingual TD children (Sheldon 1974) Act-out task Act-out task [The dog that __ jumps over the pig] bumps into the lion [SS] [The dog that __ jumps over the pig] bumps into the lion [SS] The dog stands on [the horse that the giraffe jumps over __] [OO] The dog stands on [the horse that the giraffe jumps over __] [OO] [The lion that the horse bumps into __ ] jumps over the giraffe [SO] [The lion that the horse bumps into __ ] jumps over the giraffe [SO] The pig bumps into [the horse that __ jumps over the giraffe] [OS] The pig bumps into [the horse that __ jumps over the giraffe] [OS]

61. Findings SS & OO are easier than SO & OS SS & OO are easier than SO & OS Error in OS: The pig bumps into the horse and __ jumps over the giraffe (49%) Error in OS: The pig bumps into the horse and __ jumps over the giraffe (49%) Why? Why?

62.  Nonadult competence (Tavakolian 1981) Linear rather than hierarchical reading Linear rather than hierarchical reading Problems: Continuity. Negative Evidence (How do children unlearn the structure? ) Problems: Continuity. Negative Evidence (How do children unlearn the structure? )  Adult competence + processing complexity (Goodluck & Tavakolian 1982) The errors are the outcome of the complexity of the relative clause The errors are the outcome of the complexity of the relative clause 6. d’. The pig bumps into [the horse that __ hops up and down] [OS] 6. d’. The pig bumps into [the horse that __ hops up and down] [OS] Correct in 76% Correct in 76%  Adult competence + pragmatic factors (Hamburger & Crain 1982) Felicity conditions - What is said should be appropriate for the goals of the conversation (Grice 1989) Felicity conditions - What is said should be appropriate for the goals of the conversation (Grice 1989) Relative clauses should be used only when there is a choice between two identical objects. Relative clauses should be used only when there is a choice between two identical objects. A change in the original experiment: two horses  95% at age 5, 69% at age 3 A change in the original experiment: two horses  95% at age 5, 69% at age 3

63. Comprehension Michal Cohen Show me the boy who is pushing the girl. Show me the boy who the girl is pushing?

64. Production of relative clauses by TD children Children produce preconjunctional relative clauses even before the age of 2: Children produce preconjunctional relative clauses even before the age of 2: a.*ze regel koevet lax a.*ze regel koevet lax this foot-fm hurts-fm you 'This is the foot that hurts you'[Lior 1;10;08] b.*ze shaon ose tuktuk b.*ze shaon ose tuktuk this clock does ticktock 'This is a clock that goes ticktock'[Leor 2;1] The complementizer appears around 2-2;6 The complementizer appears around 2-2;6 aviron she la-shamayim [Lior 2;01;27] airplane that to-the-sky 'an airplane that flies to the sky'

65. Which dog is happy? Reem Bshara

66. Resumptive pronouns and resumptive NPs Children initially use resumptive pronouns in French, English an other languages Children initially use resumptive pronouns in French, English an other languages Children use resumptive NPs Children use resumptive NPs The zebra who the man sat next to the zebra. The zebra who the man sat next to the zebra. The non-movement approach (cf. Labelle 1988, 1990, 1996, Goodluck & Stojanovi ç 1996) The non-movement approach (cf. Labelle 1988, 1990, 1996, Goodluck & Stojanovi ç 1996) The movement approach (cf. Law 1992, P é rez-Leroux 1995, Guasti & Shlonsky 1995, McDaniel, Bernstein & McKee 1997, Varlokosta 1997a). The movement approach (cf. Law 1992, P é rez-Leroux 1995, Guasti & Shlonsky 1995, McDaniel, Bernstein & McKee 1997, Varlokosta 1997a).

67. Resumptives and Wh-Movement in the Acquisition of Relative Clauses in Modern Greek and Hebrew Varlokosta & Armon-Lotem (1998) 24 monolingual Hebrew-speaking children from 2;8 to 5;5

68. Friedmann, N., & Lavi, H. (2006). On the order of acquisition of A-movement, Wh-movement and V-C movement. In A. Belletti, E. Bennati, C. Chesi, E. Di Domenico, & I. Ferrari (Eds.), Language acquisition and development (pp. 211-217). Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Press/CSP.

69. Subjects: 60 Hebrew speaking children aged 2;2-3;10: 21 children aged 2;2-2;9, 19 children aged 2;10-3;2, and 20 children aged 3;3-3;10. Task: SR - 80 sentences (8 categories by syntactic complexity), 4 words.

70. "No correlation was found between repetition of any of the movement types and age (Rpb < 0.22 for all the sentences with movement), and no significant difference in repetition was detected between the three age groups: For example, a 2;3 year old girl succeeded in repeating all the V-C sentences, whereas a 3;10 boy failed in them. Two girls aged 2;5 succeeded in repeating Wh sentences, whereas 4 children aged 3;7 failed in them." (p. 214)