1. Interactions between Negative Cycles
Elly van Gelderen
NEC Worshop, Stockholm
4-5 May 2017

2. Negatives

3. Outline
Negatives are very interactive with TMA and copulas: therefore change is frequent and asymmetries arise.
This paper looks at: Several kinds of negative cycles and their interconnectedness
The structural changes involved and the types of verbs, e.g. in the NEC

4. Negative Cycles I Indefinite phrase > negative = Jespersen’s Cycle
Negation is renewed by a negative phrase (ADV or ARG) or minimizer:
(1) I can’t do that >
(2) I can’t see nothing
II Verb > negative = Givón’s Cycle
(3) is-i ba-d-o (Koorete)
she-NOM disappear-PF-PST
`She disappeared' (Binyam 2007: 7).
(4) ‘is-i dana ‘ush-u-wa-nni-ko
she-NOM beer drink-PRES-not_exist-3FS-FOC
‘She does (will) not drink beer.’ (Binyam 2007: 9).

5. ctd
III EXIS + negative > negative = Croft’s Cycle IV AUX + negative > negative This could have happened to ain’t (V Privative > Standard negation in Arawak (Granadillo & Michael 2014) and other languages (Kiefer 2015)).

6. Negative Cycle I a. no/ne early Old English
b. ne (na wiht/not) after 900, esp S
c. (ne) not after 1350
d. not > -not/-n’t after 1400
(1) Men ne cunnon secgan to soðe ... hwa
Man not could tell to truth ... who
`No man can tell for certain ... who'.
(2) Næron 3e noht æmetti3e, ðeah ge wel ne dyden
not-were you not unoccupied. though you well not did
`You were not unoccupied, though you did not do well'.

7. Indefinites > Negatives in Scandinavian
(1) er-at maðr svá góðr at galli né fylgi,
is-NEG man so good that blemishes not belong
né svá illr, at einugi dugi
nor so bad that nothing is.fit.for
`Nobody is so good that he doesn't have faults nor so bad that he is not good for anything' (Hávamál, 133).
(2) Þat mæli ek eigi
that say-1S I not, `I am not saying that' (Njalssaga, 219)
Changes:
ne > zero
eigi >ikke > ‘ke

8. Weakening and Renewal by Cycle I in Modern Norwegian
(3) Trøtt...jeg? Ha'kke tid
tired ... me? have-not time,
`Me, tired? I don't have the time'. (website)
(4) for jeg merket ikke aldri at noen hadde kjærestebesøk
because I noticed not ever that someone had visitors (website)

9. The Negative Cycle I XP Spec X' [i-neg] X YP na wiht [u-neg] …
einugi not > n’t [neg]
ikke > ‘ke

10. Negative cycle II (1) Yao Shun ji mo ... Old Chinese
Yao Shun since died
`Since Yao and Shun died, ...'
(Mengzi, Tengwengong B, from Lin 2002: 5)
(2) yu de wang ren mei kunan EarlyCh
wish PRT died person not-be suffering
`If you wish that the deceased one has no suffering, ...'
(Dunhuang Bianwen, from Lin 2002: 5-6).
(3) wo mei you shu Chinese
I not have book
`I don't have a book'.

11. But also III, NEC
Croft (1991: 11); Li & Thompson (1981: 415ff); Norman (1988): Mei you `not be/have’ > negation of completed action. Lam Chit Yu (2017): HK Cantonese mou Not all copula/existentials are created equal: bu + shi isn’t doing this, but bu + yao = bie.

12. Negative Cycle II and III

13. Koorete: II and I (1) `is-i ba-d-o (2) ‘is-i dana ‘ush-u-wa-nni-ko
she-NOM disappear-PF-PST
`She disappeared' (Binyam 2007: 7).
(2) ‘is-i dana ‘ush-u-wa-nni-ko
she-NOM beer drink-PRES-not_exist-3FS-FOC
‘She does (will) not drink beer.’ (Binyam 2007: 9).
(3) ‘es-i keele petto han-g-u-waa-s-so
he-NOM Keele never go-IMF-PRES-not_exist-3MS-FOC
‘He will never go to Keele.’ (Binyam 2007: 18)

14. Interrelatedness in Uralic: Type III renewed by I
The origin of the negative auxiliary "may well be related to the verb `is' (i-)" (Simoncsics 1998: 594) and more precisely to a negative copula (Honti 1997: 173).
Southern Saami
(1) Idtj-im (manne) daejrie-h
NEG.PST-1S (1S) know-CONNEG
`I didn't know‘ (from Bergsland 1994: 44).
Throughout the Uralic family, the negative aux > particle.

15. Towards particle and renewal
Skolt Saami’s negative auxiliary has only ps/#: (2) (mon) jiõm poor (I) 1S.NEG eat.pres `I don’t eat’. (3) jiõm poor-râm 1S.NEG eat-PST `I didn’t eat.’ (both from Miestamo & Koponen 2015: 355-6)

16. Gradual loss of movement

17. Non-standard Finnish and Standard Estonian
have particle ei for all negation, also ei ole. (1) Maia ei laula Estonian Maia NEG sing.CON As Veselinova (2016: 151) shows there is also pole, a negative existential. And ei can be deleted if a negative adverb is present (see Honti 1997: 164 who quotes Savijärvi 1977):

18. I and III: Renewal Northern Saami
(1) In leat goassege dahkan dan NEG.1S be never do-PART it-ACC
`I have never done that' (Trosterud p.c.).
Finnish
(2) En ole koskaan maista-nut sellaisia leipiä
1S.NEG have never tast-PST such bread
`I have never tasted such bread.'
(from Sollid 2002).

19. Robbeets (2014) on Transeurasian A(ltaic) and Tk is Turkic
From V > Neg AUX > particle

20. Athabascan, Eyak, Tlingit, Haida
With `be’:
(1) 'ele' k'est'aaze Ahtna
NEG it-NEG-cut-NEG
`He isn't cutting it' (Kari 1992: 123)
(2) nεzú-hílε Chipewyan
be.good-not
`It is not good' (Li 1967: 420)
(3) bebí nedá yíle Bearlake
baby 3-heavy NEG
`The baby is light' (Rice 1989: 1101)
Also the same in Tlingit.

21. Origin of negative l-form:
Leer reconstructs a Proto-Athabaskan *-he suffix, "originally an enclitic"(2000: 102), and a Proto-Atabaskan-Eyak-Tlingit particle *(?i)łe? (2000: 123). Leer writes that it "seems probable that the Tlingit negative particle ł is by origin a contraction of the prohibitive interjectional particle (?i)łí `don't' which is a phonologically perfect cognate with Pre-PA [Proto-Athabaskan] *(?i)łe?" (2000: 123-4).

22. and then II (1) do he tce niñ yai Hupa not EMPH out 3-PSTcome
`He didn't come out' (Goddard 1905: 31)
(2) k'aa tinaktän Upper Tanana
NEG I-freeze-it-solid
`I won't freeze it solid' (from Kari 1993: 55)

23. Speculations on the origin of doo (and da)
In Koyukon, doo’ is a sentence final particle (Jetté & Jones 149) and do an emphatic and interrogative (p. 139).
In Ahtna (Kari 1990: 158), do may be related to an interrogative too, e.g. nduu `where'.
In Navajo, da is indefinite, e.g. in háágóóda `some place’ and interrogative, as it is in Ahtna:
(1) natidaas da
back-2-go Q
`Are you going back?' (Kari 1990: 138)

24. Navajo and Apache (1) doo (bił) hózhǫ/ǫ da NEG 3S-with happy NEG
`He isn’t happy'.
(2) T'ah doo kwii nisháah da ńt'éé'
Yet NEG here I-went NEG PST
`I had never before been here‘.
(3) (doo) nchad da
NEG 2S-cry NEG
`Don't you cry' (Bray 1998: 109)

25. Origin of k’aa? (1) k'aa tinaktän NEG I-freeze-it-solid
Upper Tanana k'aa may be related to the negative k'ali'i/k'alii/k'ali' in varieties of Ahtna. The first part k'a could be an emphatic and the second part similar to Ahtna 'ele'.
(1) k'aa tinaktän NEG I-freeze-it-solid
`I won't freeze it solid‘. (Kari 1993: 55)

27. Languages using a form of ‘l’
Ahtna ?Koyukon Alaskan
Lower Tanana Upper Tanana
Sekani
Bearlake Slave Chipewyan Hare Eastern
Sarcee
Hupa Mattole Pacific Coast
Bear River Athabaskan
Apache Navajo Southern

28. Languages using do/doo or du/dú
Ahtna Koyukon Alaskan
Lower Tanana Upper Tanana
Sekani du/dú
Bearlake Slave Hare Eastern
Chipewyan Sarcee
Hupa Mattole Pacific Coast
Bear River Athabaskan doo/do
Apache Navajo Southern

29. What happens to the copula?

30. Which can again participate:
Arabic miš < ma-hu-šay [NEG-COP-NEG] (which itself had been renewed through a demonstrative hu).
(5) Mohammed miš hina Cairo Arabic
Mohammed NEG here
`M. isn’t here.’ (Diem 2013: 2)
And is now being generalized for emphasis:
(6) hiyya miš iggawwizzit? Cairo Arabic
she NEG married
`Hasn’t she married?’ (Woidich 2006: 341)

31. Croft’s Existential Cycle
Type A Type B
Regular NEG NEG ≠ NEG EXIST
Type C
NEG = NEG EXIST
Veselinova (2016: 150): Why is C less common and C ~ A rare? I think copula cycle!

32. Hindi/Urdu: A > B > C
Kellogg (1938), Bashir (2006: 7), etc: A na B na na hĩ (NEG + BE) C nehĩ (marginal na and mat) C~A nehĩ nehĩ + hona `be’ (but it could also be: na + emphatic hĩ)

33. C ~ A
(1) koi bhi Pakistani bharat me nehĩ rah raha hai Any even Pakistani India in NEG live PROGR is `no Pakistani is living in India.’ (Lampp 2006: 17) (2) Tiim ke kaptaan aur up-kaptaan .. Tiim kamjor team of captain and vice-captain … team weak nehĩ aak rahe NEG appraise PROGR `The team’s captain and vice-captain are not appraising … team as weak’ (Lampp 2006: 17)

34. Renewal of this negative
Gul (2009): thoRi and kehã: (1) Usne thoRi bat ki he NEG talk did `He didn’t talk.’ (ThoRi is also an adverb but then particles like si, hi, and tu can follow it which is not true with the negative). (2) wo BASHEER Thori Tha, wo Tou PAPA The. `he wasn’t Basheer, he really was daddy.’ (mobiletextsms.blogspot.com/2011/08/wo-basheer-thori-tha.html)

35. Indonesian copula source
Adalah and ialah are optional copulas, used formally. Ialah is only used with 3rd person. (1) Itu (adalah/ialah) Elly `it be Elly.’ Their origin: ada + lah = `presence/exist’ + emphatic ia + lah = 3rd ps + emphatic Lah + subject is used: (2) ini-lah rumah-na this-EMP home-3 `This is his home.’ (Tendeloo 1901: 259)

36. Ada `exist, be’
Ada is used for existence and locatives, etc. (3) Ia ada di rumah 3S be.loc at home `He is at home.’ (4) Ada tamu be.exi visitor `There is a visitor.’ (Kwee 135) The demonstrative itu may be renewing the copula (Verhaar p.c. to Nicholas) but no itu itu... (Peter Suwarno p.c.)

37. Indonesian ctd
The tiada negative (from tidak ada `neg be’) is competing with tidak (Croft 1991: 10). - ada (+ lah) > be - negative `be’ tiada > negative - new copula?

38. Negative Cycles
Using an indefinite adverb or argument, e.g. nothing/never/a bit.
- English, French, Arabic
Using a negative copula verb
- Cairene Arabic, Uralic
Using a negative non-copula verb
Chinese, Koorete
Using mixtures
Athabaskan, Uralic

39. Formal Approaches, e.g. Economy Principles, van Gelderen 2011
Head Preference Principle (HPP):
Be a head, rather than a phrase.
Late Merge Principle (LMP):
Merge as late as possible.
Feature Economy: sem>int>uninterpretable
Guidance to the child (in acquisition) and the adult (in the derivation)

40. Remaining questions
Difference between existential, auxiliary, and copula? Does Aux+Neg > Neg? Ain’t? Further grammaticalization to Q-particle? Why is II limited, e.g. fail in English?

41. Ain’t in the BNC

42. failed to V

43. Conclusions
Several negative cycles, indefinite and verbal and they interact through renewal
Explainable through certain principles:
Adverbial > Specifier > Head > affix
semantic interpretable uninterpretable
Questions: about the sources

44. References
Alsaeedi, Mekhlid The Rise of New Copulas in Arabic. ASU MA. Bashir, Elena Change in progress: Negation in Hindi and Urdu. Rajendra Singh (ed) The yearbook of SA Languages and Linguistics, Mouton. Benveniste, Emile The linguistic functions of to be and to have. In Problems in General Linguistics. Bergsland, Knut Sydsamisk grammatik. Karasjok: Davvi Girji o.s. Binyam Aspects of Koorete Verb Moprhology. Oslo diss. Croft, William The Evolution of negation. Journal of Linguistics 27: Dahl, Osten Typology of Sentence Negation. Linguistics 17: Diem, Werner Negation in Arabic. Harrasowitz. Eid, M The copula function of pronouns. Lingua 59: Gelderen, Elly van The Linguistic Cycle. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

45. Givón, Talmy 1978. Negation in Language. Syntax & Semantics 9, 69-112
Givón, Talmy Negation in Language. Syntax & Semantics 9, New York: Academic Press. Granadillo, Tania & Lev Michael Negation in Arawak languages. Brill. Gul, Ahmed Grammaticalization of thoRi. Ms. Hodge, Carleton The Linguistic Cycle. Linguistic Sciences 13: 1-7. Honti, Lásló Die Negation im Uralischen I-III. Linguistica Uralica 2: 81-96; ; Jespersen, Otto 1917 [1966]. Negation in English and other Languages. Copenhagen: A.F. Høst. Katz, Aya Cyclical Grammaticalization and the Cognitive Link between Pronoun and Copula. Rice Dissertation. Kiefer, Ferenc Kellog 1938 Korn, Agnes Pronouns as Verbs. In Korn et al. Wiesbaden: Reichert. Leer, Jeff The Negative/Irrealis category in Athabaskan-Eyak-Tlingit. In Ted Fernald & Paul Platero (eds). The Athabaskan Languages, OUP.

46. Lam Chit Yu, Cherry 2017. Negation and aspects in grammaticalization
Lam Chit Yu, Cherry Negation and aspects in grammaticalization. Ms. Lampp, Claire Negation in Modern Hindi-Urdu. MA thesis. Li, Charles & Sandra Thompson Mandarin Chinese. Berkeley : California University Press. Miestamo, Matti & Eino Koponen Negation in Skolt Saami. In Miestamo et al Negation in Uralic Languages, Benjamins Norman, Jerry Chinese. CUP Robbeets, Martine The development of negation in Transeurasian languages. In Suihkonen & Whaley (eds). Simoncsics, Péter Kamassian. In Daniel Abondolo (ed.), The Uralic Languages, London: Routledge. Veselinova, Ljuba The negative existential cycle viewed through the lens of comparative data. In Cyclical Change Continued, Amsterdam: Benjamins. Woidich, Manfred Das Kairenisch-Arabische. Harrasowitz Yang, Hui-Ling The Grammaticalization of Hakka, Mandarin and Southern Min. ASU PhD.

47. Mekhlid Alsaeedi Cherry Lam Ljuba Veselinova
Thanks to
Mekhlid Alsaeedi Cherry Lam Ljuba Veselinova

48. Ch’orti’ Maya (1) ma-tuk’a e wy-a’r NEG-what ART eat-NOM
`There isn’t any food.’
(for positive, there is a verb ayan).
(2) Ma-ja’x ch’ok
NEG-3 young
`It isn’t new/young.’
(Dugan 2013: 140; 142)

49. Chol Mayan (Coon 2006)
`añ `exist, be’; no copula (even in past) ma `añ SL negative; mač IL negative (1) mač k-om mahlel tyi k-otyoty NEG 1E-want go P 1E-house ‘I don’t want to go to my house.’ (2) ma`añ mi k-mahlel tyi eskwela NEG IMPF 1E-go PREP school ‘I’m not going to school.’

50. Neg+ copula > Neg
Kannada (1) raSmi na:Le haLe:bi:Dige ho:g-utt-a:Le Rashmi tomorrow Haledib.DAT go-NPST-3SG.F `Rashmi goes to Haledib tomorrow.’ (2) anil ka:le:jige ho:gu-vud-illa Anil college.DAT go-NPST.GER-NEG 'Anil won't/doesn't go to college.‘ (Miestamo 2005: 78, based on Sridhar 1990: 112, 220, adapted from vd Auwera & Vossen) Cf. Tamil (Asher 1985, Croft 1991: 17) (3) aanatan uurle ille Anand town.LOC be.neg

51. and
Rice (1989: 1108, n. 1) suggests that the negative yíle in Slave (48), i.e. Hare, Slavey, and Bearlake, "may historically be an auxiliary verb in the perfective aspect“.
Kari (1990) suggests that 'ele' in Ahtna is perhaps related to the verb lae `to be'.

52. from V > ASP Early Mandarin
(4) dayi ye mei you chuan, jiu zou le chulai
coat even not wear, then walk PF out
`He didn't even put on his coat and walked out' .
Mei(you) is still aspectually marked since it marks bounded events unlike bu in Modern Chinese:
(5) wo bu jide ta
I not remember he
`I don't remember him'
(Li & Thompson 1981: 415).