Rappaport and Levin (2001) (1)Mary was working hard to lick my yogurt container clean. DOR Reflexive intransitive verb pattern (2) Your niece sang herself.

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Presentation transcript:

Rappaport and Levin (2001) (1)Mary was working hard to lick my yogurt container clean. DOR Reflexive intransitive verb pattern (2) Your niece sang herself hoarse last night. (3) * she sang herself. DOR: underlying Objects: (4)The table was wiped clean.

(5) The metal was pounded flat. Unergative verbs: (6) She talks seven warts off my hand. Unergative verbs have Case, they get RS from the PP/AP. Unaccusative (bare-XP resultatives) (5) The pond froze solid. (rumble, steam) (6) *The bomb exploded the watermelons open

Problems for DOR: Subject controllers (7) He followed Lassie free of his captors. (8) John swam laps to exhaustion. (9) Fly American Airlines to Hawaii for your vacations! In this case, the subject is not a deep Subject. Visser: Passives are not allowed for verbs with subject predicated complements. *she was promised to leave. (10) Lassie was followed free of the captors.

Other problematic issue for DOR: Intransitive verbs that show up in the two patterns: (12) Mary walked herself into a coma. (13)The elevator creaked to the ground floor. (15) The line clicked dead. They act as both unaccusative and unergative at the same time. (21) She kicked free and left. (22) She kicked herself free and left.

Temporal Relations: Bare XP pattern: 1) The subevents are temporally coextensive and unfold at the same rate. 2) In the reflexive pattern the intervals need no be dependent. (24) Mary sang all night yesterday. She woke up herself hoarse next morning and said: well I sang myself hoarse’ (25) Matt party himself out of a job. (28) #Patty ran quickly to the library but it took her a long time to get there.

(31) The door slid open. (32) leer. Argument per subevent condition: there must be at least an XP in the syntax per subevent in the event structures. Then, the bare XP is just one event, the reflexive-XP two. (40) Leslie scrubbed her knees to the bones. Problem: (41) Kim danced out of her room.

The bare resultative with non-lexically entailed result identifies the two events. (43)Robin danced out of the room. There is no causative paraphrase: #Robin’s dancing caused him to be out of the room’ Whereas: Mary’s singing caused her to become hoarse. How come ‘They followed Lassie free of their captors’ This verb doesn’t have a OD that is recipient of a transmission of force, hence, ER is free to pick another argument. (This is why DOR doesn’t work)

A simple event: One that is a not-necessarily atomic segment of the causal network. Is a non- branching causal chain Involves transmission of force, Which is asymmetric.