The Canadian political economy has traditionally focused on “the big questions” leaving out childcare, although childcare is NOT a minor issue. It is a fundamental importance in understanding the main business of the state and its relationships to society! Child Care provides a window on state-society relations at the point where concerns about public and private, state and market, and family responsibility and employment all intersect. Many states have been engaged in downsizing and offloading for responsibilities for provision of care Therefore they look to their families and communities to provide the care This is difficult since the health services are reduced and investments in home care and childcare are not made Questions that arise: who will provide care, who will pay for it and how it will be delivered? Premise of chapter: Childcare provides an important opportunity to examine big questions such as the ongoing transformation of labour markets, families, communities, and the Canadian state. An analysis of debates surrounding childcare provision also allows us to think about prospects for progressive social transformation.

Over the past four decades, the transformation of labor markets and families has eroded traditional patterns of family form that dominated the 20th century, that is a male breadwinner and housewife mother. In the 1960s, feminists have defined the availability of affordable and high-quality childcare as an indispensable element of any program for achieving gender equality Since the 1960s, it has been evident that that mothers of young children were the fastest- growing segment of most labour forces paternity and maternity leaves In recent years, preschool has been defined as the early and critical contribution to meeting the life-long learning requirements associated with an emergent “knowledge-based economy” ECE to reduce future costs In Canada, the issues that arise are the particular public policy choices as well as constraining the range of strategic options of social forces that aim to transform social relations  PAST PRESENT 

Canada is classified as a liberal welfare regime There are three basic welfare regimes: Liberal, Social democratic, and conservative. There are ten provincial variants Childcare branched out in a different direction from health care. Quality service for childcare was also effected by who paid and how the services was delivered which varied by class and place. Middle and upper-income families look to the market, and public support came only through the tax the system. Childcare Expenses Deduction (1972) permitted two-parent and lone-parent families with employed parents to deduct a portion of childcare expenses from their taxes. Parents could choose any type of care or any provider, but their payment had to be receipted. In the mid 1960’s Ottawa made funds available through Canada Assistance Plan (CAS) to subsidies childcare to those in need or in danger of becoming in need.

1950’s first survey of working women was conducted by the Director of the Women’s Bureau in the Department of Labour 1960’s with the help of CAP (Canada Assistance Plan), there was recognition for affordable and accessible childcare example: Federation des femmes du Quebec (FFQ) The Royal Commission opened the way to a broader public understanding across Canada of universally accessible childcare as indispensable to achieving women’s equality of opportunity RESULT: It created some changes: widening the scope of those “in need.” They were not powerful enough to overcome the liberal biases deeply embedded in the social policy establishment. Public subsidies were for lower-income families. Tax subsidies and Market choices were offered to the rest, leaving families with the “choice” of how to meet the challenge of balancing work and family responsibilities.

 The liberal government abandoned its attempt at a national childcare strategy.  “Canada Child Tax Benefit” and low income supplement  With the federal contribution of the “National Child Benefit” (NCB), most provincial governments have reduced the income portion of what they pay in social assistance  The money saved can then be reinvested by the provinces in social services for children or paid as additional income supplements.  However, the NCB does target low income families.  Investing in the development of young children is anticipated to have positive impacts on not only on children but society as whole.

 Early Childhood Development, provided a federal contribution of $2.2 billion over 5 years and set out priorities for investment in four areas  Childcare may be funded under the Early Childhood Development initiative, and is given a low profile  Campaign 2000 represents over seventy national, provincial and community organizations  The National Children’s Alliance (NCA) consists of 30 national organizations  Advantages over coalitions over associations  Under the federal-provincial agreement on early childhood development

Social assistance reform is fostering market behaviour among low-income families, while an emerging focus on early childhood development is leading, in some provinces, to greater concern about supports for all children In Ontario, until 1996, lone mothers with a child under 16 and living on social assistance had no obligation to seek employment. In other provinces this age varied, but they were treated as “unavailable” for employment. The Harris Government’s Ontario Work program imposed the obligation to participate on all lone parents receiving social assistance when their youngest child reached school age. Manitoba & British Colombia specified school age as the point at which lone parents must begin seeking employment. In Newfoundland & Labrador, Quebec and Saskatchewan the cutoff is age two and Nova Scotia and Alberta lone parents with children over 6 months are considered available for work.

The National Children’s Agenda, wanted to formally enhance early childhood education (ECE). Several provinces therefore have begun to institute programs that not only maintain the emphasis on licensed, nonprofit childcare but also promote its advantage for all children 3.Quebec publicly funded daycare for everyone, no matter what a parent’s employment status is 1.Alberta assisted market model, that a parent fees account for a lower share of the cost and the rate of coverage is somewhat higher. (so they get paid less, but more pay for daycare) 2. Newfoundland & Saskatchewan offer lowest share of regulated care spaces, therefore parents are forced primarily to the family and informal sector (which is care provided in the homes of neighbours and friends). Therefore about 50% of daycare in Saskatchewan is provided by family daycare

 In Canada, childcare policy has been constructed within what are essentially liberal welfare regimes. Families purchase the childcare services they need in the market, which is compromised of both for profit and non-profit.  The state’s role has been confined either to helping low income families who cannot afford to pay market prices to obtain childcare or to providing tax breaks for families purchasing care.  This has resulted in an inadequate supply of quality, regulated childcare and high market prices that even middle-income two- earner families often cannot afford. In reality Canada does not have one childcare regime, there are several.  The federal government maintains an important funding responsibility through its grants to provinces and tax credits to parents.

Debate: Do you think Childcare Workers should be paid the same as Teachers? Yes/No