1. PROBLEMS ALL DAY LONG WOUT ULTEE ICS THEORY COURSE SEPTEMBER 17, 2008

2. PROBLEMS ALL DAY LONG (the Everly Brothers)

3. PROBLEMS ALL DAY LONG? FOUR YEARS LONG!

4. PROBLEMS ALL DAY LONG? FOUR YEARS LONG! (ICS juniors)

5. YOU WILL ALREADY KNOW A LOT ABOUT BAD AND GOOD RESEARCH FROM YOUR BACHELOR AND MASTER WHAT DO YOU KNOW ABOUT BAD AND GOOD THEORIES? NOT FROM A SUBSTANTIVE, BUT FROM A FORMAL POINT OF VIEW? AND WHAT DO YOU KNOW ABOUT BAD AND BETTER PROBLEMS?

6. LINDENBERG: RESEARCH SHOULD BE THEORY-GUIDED AND THE BEST THEORY TO GUIDE RESEARCH IS RATIONAL CHOICE THEORY ULTEE: THEORY-BUILDING SHOULD BE PROBLEM-DRIVEN AND THE FAMILY OF RATIONAL ACTION THEORIES HAS BEEN IN SEARCH OF PROBLEMS WHEREAS SOCIOLOGY HAS A CATALOG OF CLASSICAL QUESTIONS

8. THE THINGS TO DO TODAY: MY DIAGNOSIS OF AND MY REMEDY FOR WHAT IS WRONG WITH CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY OVERARCHING PROBLEMS AND SUBPROBLEMS FILLING IN ALL THE BLANKS OF QUESTIONS THE SEQUENCE OF RAISING QUESTIONS THE BACKGROUND OF QUESTIONS GENERATIONS OF QUESTIONS CONTRADICTIONS AS THE BEST QUESTIONS

10. SOCIOLOGY WAS AND IS MESSY ONCE IT WAS HELD THAT SOCIOLOGY IS MESSY BECAUSE IT DOES NOT HAVE THE RIGHT VIEW OF THE RELATION BETWEEN THEORY AND RESEARCH THE SOLUTION, BORROWED FROM PSYCHOLOGY, WAS TO OPERATIONALIZE CONCEPTS RELIABLY AND VALIDLY AND GEAR RESEARCH TOWARDS REPLICATION

11. HOWEVER, THE LITERATURE ON RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY IS A MESS AND MORE IS GOING ON IN RESEARCH THAN REPLICATION

12. A THEORY IS MORE THAN A SYSTEM OF CONCEPTS SOCIOLOGY HAS TOO MANY CONCEPTS WITHOUT PROPOSITIONS A THEORY IS A SYSTEM OF PROPOSITIONS AND SOME PROPOSITIONS ARE RICHER IN CONTENT THAN OTHERS WITH THE LESS INFORMATIVE PROPOSITIONS BEING DERIVABLE FORM THE MORE INFORMATIVE PROPOSITIONS

13. LATER RESEARCH PROVIDES STRONGER TESTS OF PROPOSITIONS TESTS OF PROPOSITIONS ARE MORE SEVERE IF A PROPOSITION IS CONFRONTED WITH AN ALTERNATIVE PROPOSITION THESE ALTERNATIVE PROPOSITIONS MAY IMPLY THAT SEEMINGLY VALID OPERATIONALIZATIONS ARE SOMETIMES OFF THE MARK

14. THE FIRST OFF THE MARK OPERATIONALIZATION SHOULD STATUS BE MEASURED AS OCCUPATION, AS EDUCATION OR AS INCOME? OLD SOLUTION: MAKE A SCALE OF ALL THREE DIMENSIONS TAKE EACH DIMENSION AS HAVING THREE CATEGORIES: HIGH, MIDDLE, LOW LATER CRITICISM: A PERSON WHO IS HIGH ON INCOME AND LOW ON EDUCATION IS LUMPED IN THE SAME FINAL CATEGORY AS A PERSON WITH MIDDLE EDUCATION AND MIDDLE INCOME YET THE HYPOTHESIS OF STATUS INCONSISTENCY SAYS THAT THE VOTING BEHAVIOUR OF THESE PEOPLE WILL BE QUITE DIFFERENT NEW SOLUTION: KEEP DIMENSIONS SEPARATE SO THAT THE STATUS INCONSISTENCY HYPOTHESIS CAN BE TESTED

15. THE SECOND OFF THE MARK OPERATIONALIZATION SHOULD CULTURAL PARTICIPATION BE MEASURED AS VISITING PLAYS, OR VISITING CLASSICAL CONCERTS, OR VISITING MUSEUMS? OLD SOLUTION: MAKE A SCALE OF ALL THREE DIMENSIONS LATER QUESTION TO BE ANSWERED AFTER IT WAS FOUND THAT CULTURAL PARTICIPATION IS HIGHER IF A PERSON HAS MORE EDUCATION: DOES RELIGION KEEP PEOPLE FROM CULTURAL PARTICIPATION? HYPOTHESIS: ORTHODOX PROPESTANT PERSONS SHUN PLAYS, BUT LIKE CLASSICAL CONCERTS THE SCALE IS NOT ATTUNED TO TESTING THIS HYPOTHESIS, ALL DIMENSIONS ARE TREATED AS EQUAL SOLUTION: KEEP DIMENSIONS SEPARATE SO THAT THE HYPOTHESIS ABOUT ORTHODOX PROPESTANTS CAN BE TESTED

17. NOT: R1R2 BUT: T1 T2 R1 R2 REPLICATION VERSUS SEVERE TESTING

18. IN ADDITION, SOCIOLOGY IS A MESS BECAUSE THE RELATION BETWEEN ITS THEORIES OFTEN IS UNCLEAR RATIONAL CHOICE THEORY ?? ?? ?? ??DURKHEIM’S INTEGRATIONANOMIETHEORYOF SUICIDE LOOSE PROPOSITIONS VERSUS DERIVABLE PROPOSITIONS

19. T1 T2T3 T4 T5 T6 T7 T8 THE STRUCTURE OF DURKHEIM’S INTEGRATION THEORY OF SUICIDE: LEVELS OF CONTENT (AND GENERALITY) NORMS ON SUICIDE INTEGRATION IN CHURCH, FAMILY RELIGION, MARRIAGE

20. APART FROM T’S AND R’S, THERE ARE P’S THEORIES ARE THERE TO SOLVE PROBLEMS

21. THE EXPRESSION THAT THEORY T1 DOES NOT SOLVE PROBLEM P1 CAN MEAN TWO THINGS: * IT MAKES PREDICTIONS THAT ARE OFF THE MARK * IT DOES NOT MAKE ANY PREDICTIONS AT ALL ON A CERTAIN TOPIC THE FIRST CASE INDICATES THAT SOMETHING IS WRONG WITH T1 THE SECOND CRITICISM AMOUNTS TO SAYING THAT IT IS DIFFICULT TO EAT SOUP WITH A KNIFE

22. BUT SOME THEORIES MAY SOLVE MORE PROBLEMS THAN OTHER THEORIES, AND THE MORE PROBLEMS A THEORY SOLVES, THE BETTER P1 P2T1 P3 RATIONAL CHOICE THEORY SHOULD BE SUCH A UNIFYING THEORY MAKING SOCIOLOGY LESS MESSY

24. SOCIOLOGY IS MESSY MAINLY BECAUSE ITS CATALOG OF PROBLEMS SEEMS FAR TOO LONG, WITHOUT APPARENT LINKS BETWEEN PROBLEMS HOWEVER, THERE ARE LINKS BETWEEN SOCIOLOGY’S PROBLEMS: FOR INSTANCE, THERE ARE OVERARCHING PROBLEMS AND SUBPROBLEMS

25. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION

26. HOBBES’ WAR OF ALL AGAINST ALL AND OF RULERS AGAINST RULERS

27. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION HOBBES’ WAR OF ALL AGAINST ALL AND OF RULERS AGAINST RULERS LOCKE’S REBELLION OF SUBJECTS AGAINST RULERS

28. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION HOBBES’ WAR OF ALL AGAINST ALL AND OF RULERS AGAINST RULERS LOCKE’S REBELLION OF SUBJECTS AGAINST RULERS BENTHAM’S SWIFT, SEVERE AND CERTAIN SENTENCING

29. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION HOBBES’ WAR OF ALL AGAINST ALL AND OF RULERS AGAINST RULERS LOCKE’S REBELLION OF SUBJECTS AGAINST RULERS BENTHAM’S SWIFT, SEVERE AND CERTAIN SENTENCES DURKHEIM’S SUICIDE

30. THE EMERGENCE OF THE PROBLEM OF COHESION HOBBES’ WAR OF ALL AGAINST ALL AND OF RULERS AGAINST RULERS LOCKE’S REBELLION OF SUBJECTS AGAINST RULERS BENTHAM’S SWIFT, SEVERE AND CERTAIN SENTENCES COHESION DURKHEIM’S SUICIDE

31. ONCE MORE DURKHEIM ON COHESION

32. VIOLENCE AGAINST OTHERS

33. ONCE MORE DURKHEIM ON COHESION ECONOMIC TIES THROUGH THE DIVISION OF LABOUR VIOLENCE AGAINST OTHERS

34. ONCE MORE DURKHEIM ON COHESION ECONOMIC TIES THROUGH THE DIVISION OF LABOUR SUICIDE AS CUTTING THE LAST TIE TO SOCIETY VIOLENCE AGAINST OTHERS

35. ONCE MORE DURKHEIM ON COHESION ECONOMIC TIES THROUGH THE DIVISION OF LABOUR SUICIDE AS CUTTING THE LAST TIE TO SOCIETY PARTAKING IN RELIGIOUS RITES VIOLENCE AGAINST OTHERS

36. ONCE MORE DURKHEIM ON COHESION ECONOMIC TIES THROUGH THE DIVISION OF LABOUR SUICIDE AS CUTTING THE LAST TIE TO SOCIETY PARTAKING IN RELIGIOUS RITES MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE VIOLENCE AGAINST OTHERS

37. ONCE MORE DURKHEIM ON COHESION ECONOMIC TIES THROUGH THE DIVISION OF LABOUR SUICIDE AS CUTTING THE LAST TIE TO SOCIETY PARTAKING IN RELIGIOUS RITES MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE VIOLENCE AGAINST OTHERSISOLATION

38. ONCE MORE DURKHEIM ON COHESION COHESION ECONOMIC TIES THROUGH THE DIVISION OF LABOUR SUICIDE AS CUTTING THE LAST TIE TO SOCIETY PARTAKING IN RELIGIOUS RITES MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE VIOLENCE AGAINST OTHERSISOLATION

39. PROBLEM STRUCTURES AND THEIR DYNAMICS P7 P2P3P4P5 P1P6

41. BAD AND BETTER QUESTIONS: FILLING IN ALL THE BLANKS PSYCHOLOGY IS ABOUT HUMAN BEINGS SOCIOLOGY IS ABOUT HUMAN SOCIETIES TRUE, BUT THE STUDY OF SOCIETIES IS NOT A FULL-FLEDGED PROBLEM IT IS AT BEST THE SPECIFICATION OF THE OBJECT TO BE STUDIED

42. BAD AND BETTER QUESTIONS: FILLING IN ALL THE BLANKS SOCIOLOGY STUDIES HOW SOCIETIES FUNCTION THAT DOES NOT SAY MUCH: FUNCTIONING IS NOT YET A VARIABLE FEATURE OF SOCIETIES

43. BAD AND BETTER QUESTIONS: FILLING IN ALL THE BLANKS SOCIOLOGY STUDIES THE FREQUENCY WITH WHICH EACH PARTICULAR PENAL LAW OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES IS TRESPASSED HERE A VARIABLE FEATURE OF SOCIETIES IS SPECIFIED

44. BAD AND BETTER QUESTIONS: FILLING IN ALL THE BLANKS SOCIOLOGY STUDIES THE FREQUENCY WITH WHICH EACH PARTICULAR PENAL LAW OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES IS TRESPASSED HERE THE SOCIETAL PHENOMENON TE BE EXPLAINED IS SPECIFIED BUT NO HINT IS GIVEN OF THE FACTOR(S) DOING THE EXPLANATION

45. BAD AND BETTER QUESTIONS: FILLING IN ALL THE BLANKS WHY IS IN 2005 THE MURDER RATE IN THE USA AND RUSSIA HIGHER THAN IN THE NETHERLANDS AND SWEDEN? THIS IS AN EXPLANATORY QUESTION, BUT NO CAUSES ARE SPECIFIED

46. BAD AND BETTER QUESTIONS: FILLING IN ALL THE BLANKS IS IN 2005 THE MURDER RATE IN THE USA AND RUSSIA HIGHER THAN IN THE NETHERLANDS AND SWEDEN, BECAUSE THE FIRST TWO COUNTRIES HAVE LENIENT LAWS ON GUN OWNERSHIP, WHILE THE LAST TWO HAVE RESTRICTIVE LAWS? THIS QUESTION SPECIFIES A POSSIBLE CAUSE

48. FROM DESCRIPTIVE QUESTIONS BY WAY OF COMPARARIVE QUESTIONS AND TREND QUESTIONS TO DEEPER AND DEEPER EXPLANATORY QUESTIONS DEPTH HAS NO END STOPPING RULES ARE ARBITRARY AND SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTED

49. HOW HIGH IS IN 2005 THE MURDER RATE IN THE NETHERLANDS? THIS IS A DESCRIPTIVE QUESTION THE DESCRIPTION MAY NOT BE EASY MURDER RATES IN THE STATISTICS OF DEATH CAUSES MAY DIFFER FROM MURDER RATES IN POLICE STATISTICS AND FROM MURDER RATES IN CONVICTION STATISTICS

50. TO WHAT EXTENT DOES THE DUTCH 2005 MURDER RATE DIFFER FROM THE DUTCH MURDER RATE IN 2000? THIS IS A TREND QUESTION TO WHAT EXTENT DOES THE DUTCH 2005 MURDER RATE DIFFER FROM THE MURDER RATES FOR THAT YEAR IN RUSSIA, SWEDEN AND THE UNITED STATES? THIS IS A COMPARATIVE QUESTION

51. A TREND QUESTION PRESUPPOSES AN ANSWER TO A DESCRIPTIVE QUESTION AND SO DOES A COMPARATIVE QUESTION IF THE DESCRIPTIVE ANSWER IS FALSE THEN THE TREND QUESTION AND THE COMPARATIVE QUESTION ARE MISGUIDED

52. IS THE DUTCH 2005 MURDER RATE LOWER THAN THE UNITED STATES 2005 MURDER RATE BECAUSE GUNS ARE MORE FREELY AVAILABLE IN THE USA THAN IN THE NETHERLANDS? THIS IS AN EXPLANATORY QUESTION THIS EXPLANATORY QUESTION PRESUPPOSES AN ANSWER TO A COMPARATIVE QUESTION IF THE ANSWER TO THE COMPARATIVE QUESTION IS FALSE, THE EXPLANATORY QUESTION IS MISGUIDED

53. WHY WOULD LESS STRINGENT LAWS ON GUN OWNERSHIP MAKE FOR HIGHER MURDER RATES? THIS IS A DEEPER EXPLANATORY QUESTION IF THE ANSWER TO THE MORE SUPERFICIAL EXPLANATORY QUESTION IS FALSE, THE DEEPER EXPLANATORY QUESTION IS MISGUIDED

54. TRY AS MUCH AS POSSIBLE TO CHECK THE IMPORTANT ASSUMPTIONS OF YOUR QUESTIONS

56. DURKHEIM AIMED FOR DEEPER EXPLANATIONS HIS STOPPING RULE WAS THAT SOCIETAL PHENOMENA ARE TO BE EXPLAINED BY OTHER SOCIETAL PHENOMENA

57. THE INDIVIDUALIST PROGRAM IN SOCIOLOGY HOLDS THAT SOCIETAL EXPLANATIONS DO NOT GO DEEP ENOUGH ONLY EXPLANATIONS OF SOCIETAL PHENOMENA ARE ACCEPTABLE WHICH GO BACK TO THE INDIVIDUAL LEVEL

58. THE RATIONAL CHOICE PROGRAM IN SOCIOLOGY HOLDS THAT INDIVIDUAL EXPLANATIONS OF SOCIETAL PHENOMENA ARE NOT ALWAYS ACCEPTABLE THEY SHOULD ALWAYS INVOLVE THE ASSUMPTION THAT INDIVIDUALS ACT IN A RATIONAL WAY

59. THE EVOLUTIONARY PROGRAM IN SOCIOLOGY HOLDS THAT INDIVIDUAL EXPLANATIONS OF SOCIETAL PHENOMENA ARE NOT ALWAYS ACCEPTABLE THEY SHOULD ALWAYS INVOLVE THE SELECTIVE EFFECTS OF THE ENVIRONMENT ON INDIVIDUALS (PEOPLE ARE NOT ALWAYS RATIONAL, AND IF THEY ARE NOT RATIONAL THEIR REPRODUCTIVE SUCCESS WILL BE LIMITED)

60. THE QUEST FOR DEPTH IS WORTHWHILE BECAUSE A DEEPER EXPLANATION MODIFIES THE MORE SUPERFICIAL EXPLANATION HOWEVER, WHETHER THIS LOGICAL POSSIBILITY FREQUENLTY OCCURS IS ANOTHER MATTER

61. THE POINT IS NOT TO EXPLAIN SOCIETAL PHENOMENA BY INDIVIDUAL ASSUMPTIONS THE POINT IS TO INTERPRETE ABSOLUTE PROPERTIES OF SOCIETIES AS RELATIONAL PROPERTIES OF SOCIETIES AND TO EXPLAIN THESE RELATIONAL SOCIETAL PROPERTIES BY PROPOSITIONS INVOKING THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE MEMBERS OF A SOCIETY

62. THIS RULE HAS TWO CONTRASTS: SOCIETIES, INDIVIDUALS AND THE MEMBERS OF A SOCIETY AND THE ABSOLUTE PROPERTIES OF SOCIETIES AND OF INDIVIDUALS AND THE RELATIONAL PROPERTIES OF INDIVIDUALS AND SOCIETIES (THE ERROR OF HUMMELL AND OPP, THE REDUCTION OF SOCIOLOGY TO PSYCHOLOGY FROM 1968, IS TO BYPASS THE RULE TO INTERPRET ABSOLUTE PROPERTIES AS RELATIONAL PROPERTIES)

64. SO, A QUESTION HAS A BACKGROUND AND THAT BACKGROUND MAY CONTAIN FALSE OR OTHERWISE MISLEADING ASSUMPTIONS EXAMPLE: FIVE GENERATIONS IN SOCIAL MOBILITY RESEARCH AT ISSUE IS HERE NOT THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN DESCRIPTIVE AND EXPLANATORY QUESTIONS, NOR THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN SUPERFICIAL AND DEEPER QUESTIONS

65. FIRST GENERATION SOCIAL MOBILITY QUESTIONS AS POSED BY LIPSET IN 1959 WHY ARE SOME MEMBERS OF A SOCIETY UPWARDLY MOBILE, OTHERS DOWNWARDLY MOBILE, YET OTHERS STATIONARY? WHY ARE THERE MORE UPWARDLY MOBILE PERSONS IN SOME SOCIETIES THAN IN OTHER SOCIETIES? THESE QUESTIONS ARE MISGUIDED BECAUSE THEY BYPASS THE POSSIBILITY OF BOTTOM AND CEILING EFFECTS, LUMP HETEROGENEOUS PERSONS TOGETHER AS STATIONARY, AND NEGLECT DISTRIBUTIONAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN SOCIETIES

66. SECOND GENERATION SOCIAL MOBILITY QUESTION AS POSED BY DUNCAN IN 1967 TO WHAT EXTENT DOES IN A SOCIETY AT A CERTAIN POINT IN TIME A PERSON’S DESTINATION DEPEND UPON THIS PERSON’S ORIGIN? SINCE THIS QUESTION AVOIDS DIFFERENCE SCORES (AS MOBILITY SCORES ARE) THERE ARE NO BOTTOM AND CEILING EFFECTS AND THE MEASURE OF ASSOCIATION BETWEEN ORIGIN AND DESTINATION MAY BE DISTRIBUTION FREE

67. THIRD GENERATION SOCIAL MOBILITY QUESTION AS POSED BY GOLDTHORPE IN 1980 TO WHAT EXTENT HAVE THE VARIOUS COMPETITIONS BETWEEN THE MEMBERS OF SOCIETIES FROM DIFFERENT ORIGINS FOR DIFFERENT DESTINATIONS THE SAME UNEQUAL OUTCOMES? IT IS MISLEADING TO COMPUTE CORRELATION AND REGRESSION COEFFICIENTS FOR THE EFFECT OF ORIGINS ON DESTINATIONS BECAUSE EFFECTS MAY DIFFER IN STRENGTH ALONG THE OCCUPATIONAL STATUS SCALE

68. FOURTH GENERATION SOCIAL MOBILITY QUESTION AS POSED BY MAYER AND BLOSSFELD IN 1988 TO WHAT EXTENT DOES THE OCCUPATIONAL STATUS RIGHT NOW OF THE MEMBERS OF A SOCIETY BELONGING TO THE SAME BIRTH COHORT DEPEND UPON THEIR ORIGIN STATUS? MOBILITY ALWAYS REFERS TO TWO POINTS IN TIME, AND WHEN EARLIER GENERATIONS COMPARED ORIGINS AND DESTINATIONS, THE DISTANCE BETWEEN THESE TWO POINTS IN TIME WAS NOT THE SAME

69. FIFTH GENERATION SOCIAL MOBILITY QUESTION NOT EXPLICITLY POSED UNTIL NOW TO WHAT EXTENT ARE THE OCCUPATIONAL CAREERS OF PERSONS BELONGING TO THE SAME BIRTH COHORT OF A PARTICULAR SOCIETY SELF-REINFORCING PROCESSES? APART FROM INTERGENERATIONAL MOBILITY AND ORIGIN EFFECTS THERE IS INTRAGENERATIONAL MOBILITY AND INTERGENERATIONAL MOBILITY AND INTRAGENERATIONAL MOBILITY SHOULD BE STUDIED SEPARATELY, TAKING THE LENGTH OF A PERSON’S WORK LIFE INTO ACCOUNT

70. FIFTH GENERATION MOBILITY QUESTION NOT EXPLICITLY POSED UNTIL NOW TO WHAT EXTENT ARE THE OCCUPATIONAL CAREERS OF PERSONS BELONGING TO THE SAME BIRTH COHORT OF A PARTICULAR SOCIETY SELF- REINFORCING PROCESSES? DO NOT HUNT FOR CAREER PATTERNS BY APPLYING CLUSTER TECHNIQUES THESE TECHNIQUES ARE THEORETCALLY BLIND AND NOT ATTUNED TO THE PROBLEM AT HAND WHEREAS RESEARCH SHOULD BE THEORY- GUIDED AND PROBLEM-DRIVEN

72. REALLY BAD QUESTIONS: TUNNEL VISION QUESTIONS OR ONE-TRACK-MIND QUESTIONS WHY DOES THE EXPLOITED WORKING CLASS REMAIN PASSIVE? (THE WORKING CLASS IS NOT EXPLOITED!) WHICH SELECTIVE INCENTIVE MAKES PEOPLE JOIN GREENPEACE? (SHOULD A SELECTIVE INCENTIVE ALWAYS BE THE CAUSE OF JOINING?)

73. THE ONE BUT BEST QUESTIONS: THE INCOMPATIBILITY BETWEEN TWO EXPLANATIONS OF THE SAME RESEARCH FINDING SUCH INCOMPATABILITIES SOMETIMES ARE CALLED ISSUES

74. THE BEST QUESTIONS: CONTRADICTIONS BETWEEN A NOT SO BAD HYPOTHESIS AND RESEARCH FINDINGS SUCH CONTRADICTIONS SOMETIMES ARE CALLED ANOMALIES OR PUZZLES

75. WHY IS THE PERCENTAGE OF DUTCH JEWS WHO SURVIVED WORLD WAR 2 (20) MUCH LOWER THAN THE PERCENTAGES FOR BELGIUM (50) AND FRANCE (70) AND ALMOST AS LOW AS THE PERCENTAGE FOR POLAND (10)? THIS EXPLANATORY QUESTION GAINS ITS URGENCY FROM DUTCH ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

76. THE QUESTION OF THE SURVIVAL RATE SOF DUTCH JEWS GAINS EXPLANATORY URGENCY AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF HYPOTHESES DEVELOPED AND TESTED BY THE SOCIOLOGIST HELEN FEIN IN ACCOUNTING FOR GENOCIDE FROM 1978

77. FEIN’S TWO HYPOTHESES SURVIVAL RATES ARE LOWER IN A COUNTRY IF THAT COUNTRY BEFORE WORLD WAR 2 HAD MORE VOTES FOR ANTI-SEMITIC PARTIES AND IF THAT COUNTRY DURING WORLD WAR 2 EXPERIENCED A STRONG SS-INFLUENCE

78. IN A COUNTRY COMPARISON THESE TWO HYPOTHESES DID QUITE WELL

80. FEIN CONSIDERED THE NETHERLANDS TO BE A COUNTRY LOW IN ANTI- SEMITISM AND WITH A MODERATE SS-INFLUENCE THE NETHERLANDS WAS ON OUTLIER ON HER PLOT THE PERCENTAGE OF JEWISH VICTIMS WAS MUCH HIGHER THAN PREDICTED

81. DEEPER RESEARCH QUESTION: WAS THE PERCENTAGE OF JEWISH VICTIMS SO HIGH IN THE NETHERLANDS BECAUSE THE NETHERLANDS WAS MORE ANTI-SEMITIC THAN FEIN SUPPOSED? OR BECAUSE THE NETHERLANDS EXPERIENCED MORE SS-INFLUENCE THAN FEIN SUPPOSED? OR BECAUSE THE DUTCH FIGURES USED BY FEIN ARE OVERESTIMATES? OF BECAUSE FEIN LEFT OUT A THIRD FACTOR?

83. DAWKINGS, THE GOD DELUSION, 2006 DWAKINS IS A BIOLOGIST AND AN ATHEIST ATHEITIST POINT TOWARS SUCH THINGS AS RELIGIOUS WARS BIOLOGISTS USE EVIOLUTIONARY THEORIES, AND SOMETHING PERSISTS BECAUSE IT HAS SURVIVAL VALUE A RELIGION IS SOMETHING, SO AN AHTEIST BIOLOGIST SEEMS IN DIFFICULTY

84. DAWKINS, PAGE 172: When we ask about the survival value of anything, we may be asking the wrong question. We need to rewrite the question in a more helpful way. Perhaps the feature we are interested in (religion in this case) does not have a direct survival value of its own, but is a by-product of something else that does. What doe you think of this problem shift?

85. FOR THE COMING WEEKS: LOOK AT YOUR OWN ICS PROBLEM AS A SPECIFIC INSTANCE OF AN OVERARCHING PROBLEM AND DETERMINE WHETHER THIS HELPS YOU ARTICULATING YOUR OWN ICS PROBLEM

86. FOR THE COMING WEEKS: BREAK YOUR OWN ICS PROBLEM DOWN INTO SUBPROBLEMS

87. FOR THE COMING WEEKS: SEE HOW MANY BLANKS YOU HAVE FILLED IN OF YOUR OWN ICS PROBLEM

88. FOR THE COMING WEEKS: TRY TO FORMULATE YOUR OWN ICS PROBLEM AS AN ISSUE AND AS A PUZZLE