1. MAKING CITIZENS IN SOUTHEAST EUROPE THROUGH CE & HRE: Results of a CIVITAS BiH pilot-study Prof. Vedrana Spajić-Vrkaš Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences University of Zagreb

2. The objectives of the study To provide empirical data on the outcomes of CE & HRE in SEE with a view to:To provide empirical data on the outcomes of CE & HRE in SEE with a view to: improve the quality and position of CE & HRE in the national formal education systemsimprove the quality and position of CE & HRE in the national formal education systems promote regional cooperation in the development of theory, policy and practice of CE & HREpromote regional cooperation in the development of theory, policy and practice of CE & HRE

3. The characteristic of the study The type of the study: pilot; explicatory The type of the study: pilot; explicatory Methodology: quantitative Methodology: quantitative Research instrument: questionnaire Research instrument: questionnaire (developed by the CIVITAS BiH Regional Steering Committee on the basis of a questionnaire originally designed by the IOC for HR&DC, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb) Coordinator: CIVITAS BiH Coordinator: CIVITAS BiH Donor: US Democracy Program and US Embassy in Bosnia- Herzegovina Donor: US Democracy Program and US Embassy in Bosnia- Herzegovina Participating countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia ( Participating countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia ( Total sample: 2,314 secondary school students (grammar & vocational) (200-250 per country) Total sample: 2,314 secondary school students (grammar & vocational) (200-250 per country)

4. Vedrana Spajic-Vrkas4 The origin of the questionnaire The regional questionnaire was based on the following two research instruments: The regional questionnaire was based on the following two research instruments: –the questionnaire on the university students knowledge in, and attitudes about democracy, citizenship and human rights developed by the Research and Training Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Citizenship of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences University of Zagreb in 2006 –The questionnaire designed for the CIVITAS B&H study on civic knowledge and attitudes of the secondary school students in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2007, which was designed in two forms – initial and final, and was accompanied by the questionnaires for teachers and school principals) The BiH version of the students’ questionnaire was significantly modified by the members of the CIVITAS Steering Board in a three-day working session held in Promorsko, Bulgaria in May 2008 The BiH version of the students’ questionnaire was significantly modified by the members of the CIVITAS Steering Board in a three-day working session held in Promorsko, Bulgaria in May 2008 The agreed upon version was edited by Ms. Arlene Benitez from the Centre for Civic Education, Calabasas, USA The agreed upon version was edited by Ms. Arlene Benitez from the Centre for Civic Education, Calabasas, USA

5. The content of the questionnaire Dependent variables: Dependent variables: –knowledge and understanding –attitudes towards school subject –civic and political culture Independent variables: Independent variables: –gender –school type –average school grade –Plans for future education –level of education of both parents

6. Knowledge & understanding 25 multiple-choice questions measuring knowledge and understanding of: 25 multiple-choice questions measuring knowledge and understanding of: –individual rights and freedoms –citizenship –democracy –governance –cultural pluralism –civil society –international and European organizations Scores: 1 item – 1 score (max 36 scores) Scores: 1 item – 1 score (max 36 scores)

7. Vedrana Spajic-Vrkas7 Examples of questions on knowledge & understanding 2. When we say that someone possesses civic virtues, we primarily mean that: –He/she is the member of an NGOs, and not of a political party –He/she cares for the community interests –He/she behaves in a civilized manner –He/she has the rights of a citizen 12. For each description on the left side select and write a matching number from the list on the right side: –Focus is on individual freedoms ____1. Anarchy –The ruler is above the law ____2. Democracy –The government is centered in one leader or party ____ 3. Tyranny /dictatorship –Focus is on citizens’ participation ____4. Liberalism 5. Totalitarianism 6. Federalism 21. When a minority group is expected to accept the culture of a dominant group in the society, it is called: –Assimilation –Discrimination –Acculturation –Cohesion

8. Attitudes towards the school subject 8 open and multiple-choice questions, and the Likert-type scales measuring: 8 open and multiple-choice questions, and the Likert-type scales measuring: –satisfaction with the four dimensions of the school subject (the content, teacher’s approach, textbooks, classroom atmosphere) –acquired knowledge about a selected list of topics –acquired civic skills –student-centeredness of instruction –the use of selected teaching and learning methods –classroom atmosphere –suggestions for improvement of civic education

9. Vedrana Spajic-Vrkas9 An example of question measuring an attitude towards school subject 32. To what extent has learning about democracy, human rights and citizenship in school helped you personally to develop or acquire the following: (In each row mark only one answer) N ot at all A litt le So m e w ha t A lot Ve ry m uc h 1 Interpreting political events on the basis of truthful information12345 2 Making decision independently12345 3 Cooperating with others to solve the problem12345 4 Accepting responsibility for own decisions12345 5 Critical approach to social events12345 6 Understanding that individual engagement is important for social change 12345 7 Taking part in activities that contribute to wellbeing of others12345 8 Better understanding own responsibilities towards school12345 9 Understanding that truthful evidence is crucial to expressing one’s point of view 12345

10. Civic and political culture 10 Likert-type scales measuring: 10 Likert-type scales measuring: –The level of being politically informed –The sources of political information (radio, television, newspaper, school subject, Internet, friends, family) –Actual civic and political paticipation –Anticipated civic and political participation as adult –The importance of selected political practices for democracy –Personal values –Political and socal trust –Social distance towards national and religious groups in the region –The importance of EU membership for a transitional country –The effects of EU membership

11. Vedrana Spajic-Vrkas11 An example of the political culture questions 43.a non- memb ers To what extant do you agree that the outcomes of integration of your country are (or will be) the following: (In each row mark only one number!) Disag ree comp letely Disag ree Neith er Agree Comp letely agree 1.The society becomes more democratic12345 2.Living standard of citizens improves significantly1234 5 3.The sovereignty of the national government is limited12345 4.The number of unemployed is reduced1234 5 5.National treasures are in the hands of foreigners1234 5 6.Better relations with other countries are established12345 7.Social differences between citizens become deeper1234 5 8.The judicial system is more just and effective1234 5 9.National identities are jeopardized …………..1234 5

12. The sample Total: 1,466 respondents The structure of the national samples: gymnasium - 30% vocational school – 70% - Albania 189 Bosnia and Herzegovina 213 Croatia 247 Montenegro 202 Romania 213 Serbia 200 Slovenia 202 Total 1466

13. Formal provisions for learning citizenship Albania – CE is an umbrella term for certain objectives from grade 1 to 10: in grades 1-4 it is part of the course on Social Education; from grades 5-9 it makes a separate subject of CE, and in grade 10 it is taught as part of the course on Knowledge on Society Albania – CE is an umbrella term for certain objectives from grade 1 to 10: in grades 1-4 it is part of the course on Social Education; from grades 5-9 it makes a separate subject of CE, and in grade 10 it is taught as part of the course on Knowledge on Society Bosnia and Herzegovina – separate subject on Democracy and Human Rights which is mandatory for all secondary schools, except for schools with syllabuses in Croatian language in which it is made a mandatory part of the course on Politics and Economy Bosnia and Herzegovina – separate subject on Democracy and Human Rights which is mandatory for all secondary schools, except for schools with syllabuses in Croatian language in which it is made a mandatory part of the course on Politics and Economy Croatia – mandatory part of Politics and Economy in secondary school; cross-curricular theme or extra-curricular activity from 1-8 grades of elementary school Montenegro - civic education is, in elementary education, a mandatory subject, and in general secondary education the so-called obligatory elective subject Croatia – mandatory part of Politics and Economy in secondary school; cross-curricular theme or extra-curricular activity from 1-8 grades of elementary school Montenegro - civic education is, in elementary education, a mandatory subject, and in general secondary education the so-called obligatory elective subject Romania - compulsory CE in grades 3 and 4, and grades 7 and 8 of elementary schools, while in secondary schools it is optional CE or HRE programme Romania - compulsory CE in grades 3 and 4, and grades 7 and 8 of elementary schools, while in secondary schools it is optional CE or HRE programme Serbia – CE is included as a compulsory elective school subject in grades 1 and 2 of both primary and secondary school Serbia – CE is included as a compulsory elective school subject in grades 1 and 2 of both primary and secondary school Slovenia - mandatory Civic Education and Ethics is taught in grades 7 and 8 of, while the optional course on Civic Culture is taught in grade 9 Slovenia - mandatory Civic Education and Ethics is taught in grades 7 and 8 of, while the optional course on Civic Culture is taught in grade 9

14. Civic and political knowledge and understanding of the secondary school students in 7 countries of SEE

15. Knowledge and understanding: average scores: 4 countries Country Average score (max score = 36) Bosnia & Herzegovina 18,89 Croatia16,98 Serbia15,76 Slovenia16,45

20. Attitudes and opinions of the secondary school students about school subject in which CE is taught

23. How much have students learned about selected topics in democracy and citizenship (% of ‘a lot’ & ‘very much’)

32. Civic and political culture of the secondary school students in SEE

45. Summary of findings 1 National samples are not equalised satisfactorily, especially in reference to the male-female and gymnasium-vocational school ratios, which makes the comparison of data problematic. National samples are not equalised satisfactorily, especially in reference to the male-female and gymnasium-vocational school ratios, which makes the comparison of data problematic. There are important differences in approaches to CE & HRE among the countries studied which makes it difficult to speak of a regional approach to CE & HRE. There are important differences in approaches to CE & HRE among the countries studied which makes it difficult to speak of a regional approach to CE & HRE. These differences are the outcomes of different educational traditions, especially in reference to whether and to what extent schools are seen as tools for the “creation” of citizens and of democratic development. These differences are the outcomes of different educational traditions, especially in reference to whether and to what extent schools are seen as tools for the “creation” of citizens and of democratic development. CE & HRE are used as generic terms that stand for different conceptualizations and practices of learning citizenship. CE & HRE are used as generic terms that stand for different conceptualizations and practices of learning citizenship. All national curricula and/or legal and strategic documents refering to education stress the importance of promoting active and responsible citizens through education but fail to promote it in practice. All national curricula and/or legal and strategic documents refering to education stress the importance of promoting active and responsible citizens through education but fail to promote it in practice.

46. Summary of findings 2 Students’ knowledge and understanding Students’ knowledge and understanding –students, in general, demonstrate a moderate level of knowledge on HR, democracy and citizenship –Although students from some countries score better on some questions than their peers from other countries, no national sample is significantly better or worse than others on all questions. –Majority of students in all national samples are familiar with the basics of democracy but are far less knowledgeable about the international and European organizations, the concepts defining majority-minority relations and, surprisingly, the role and the rights of citizens

47. Summary of findings 3 Students’ opinions and attitudes about school subject through they learn about HR & citizenship Students’ opinions and attitudes about school subject through they learn about HR & citizenship –Students do not associate such learning solely with a specific subject but with other school subjects, and extracurricular activities in primary and secondary school, as well. –The level of satisfaction with the content of school subject, teacher’s approach, textbooks and the atmosphere in the classroom during instruction differs considerably among the countries surveyed –However, it seems that in all national samples the respondents are, in average, slightly more satisfied with secondary than with elementary school in all four dimensions, and more with the teachers’ approach and class atmosphere than with the content of the school subject and the textbooks. –The difference between the most and the least learned topics confirms the dominance of the “know-what” type of knowledge over the “know-how” and “know-why” approaches. The findings indicate that, despite differences among the national samples, secondary schools prepare their students more for a “thin democracy” and a duty-based citizenship than for a “thick” or participatory democracy and engaged citizenship.

48. Summary of findings 4 It seems that students still learn more about than for human rights, democracy and citizenship in school: It seems that students still learn more about than for human rights, democracy and citizenship in school: –They are instructed a lot about the importance of citizens’ participation in decision-making but they gain less knowledge on how to cooperate with other citizens to improve the community life. –They are well instructed about democracy but not so well on how to protect their rights in a democratic way. –They learn a lot about the role of the government but far less on how the government may misuse its power or how to recognise a true democratic leader.

49. Further remarks on the quality of citizenship education Quality civic and human rights education and training support students in their development towards knowledgeable, participative and responsible citizens. An empowered citizen is an autonomous citizen, i.e. the citizen who is aware of his/her rights, who knows how to protect those rights and who can actively share such knowledge with other citizens to improve their democratic community and process. Quality civic and human rights education and training support students in their development towards knowledgeable, participative and responsible citizens. An empowered citizen is an autonomous citizen, i.e. the citizen who is aware of his/her rights, who knows how to protect those rights and who can actively share such knowledge with other citizens to improve their democratic community and process. In order to promote such learning, schools need to reduce teacher- centred or content-centred instruction and introduce more student- centred approaches. This means, in particular, encouraging student to participate actively in learning and decision-making while paying respect for their opinions and nurturing their critical thinking skills. In order to promote such learning, schools need to reduce teacher- centred or content-centred instruction and introduce more student- centred approaches. This means, in particular, encouraging student to participate actively in learning and decision-making while paying respect for their opinions and nurturing their critical thinking skills. Without mutual respect and critical reflection, the participation of students slips into manipulation and tokenism in the context of which the authority of a canonised knowledge and its disseminator is far more important than the autonomy of an individual. Without mutual respect and critical reflection, the participation of students slips into manipulation and tokenism in the context of which the authority of a canonised knowledge and its disseminator is far more important than the autonomy of an individual.

50. Further remarks on student’s assessment of teaching approaches In order to see whether teaching about human rights and citizenship promotes students’ voices, the respondents were asked to assess a selected list of items that describe various aspects of student-centred instruction. The findings from almost all national samples show that teachers often or very often encourage their students to express their opinion and to discuss, that they respect students’ opinions and connect topics with everyday life of their students. Yet, they are less ready to promote critical thinking among their students, as well as to share their opinion with their students when assessing, and to use various learning resources other than textbooks in instruction. These findings suggest that the principle of student-centeredness and, especially, the practice of students’ participation in secondary schools across the region might serve the goals other than students’ emancipation and empowerment. In order to see whether teaching about human rights and citizenship promotes students’ voices, the respondents were asked to assess a selected list of items that describe various aspects of student-centred instruction. The findings from almost all national samples show that teachers often or very often encourage their students to express their opinion and to discuss, that they respect students’ opinions and connect topics with everyday life of their students. Yet, they are less ready to promote critical thinking among their students, as well as to share their opinion with their students when assessing, and to use various learning resources other than textbooks in instruction. These findings suggest that the principle of student-centeredness and, especially, the practice of students’ participation in secondary schools across the region might serve the goals other than students’ emancipation and empowerment. The data on learning methods generally support such conclusion. The teacher’s lecture combined with discussion and, to a lesser extent, with debate and project work, is still a dominant teaching approach. Other methods, including role-playing, learning through Internet and the analysis of video materials are far less frequently used in schools in most of the countries. Surprisingly, the potentials of voluntary work in humanitarian and other civil society organizations for developing an active and socially responsible citizen still remains largely unrecognised across the region. It would be desired that students would more frequently be involved as trainers and resource persons in the learning process, particularly when they can present their own experiences in democratic inclusion and participation, show their motivation for social and political work or transmit their skills to their peers. The data on learning methods generally support such conclusion. The teacher’s lecture combined with discussion and, to a lesser extent, with debate and project work, is still a dominant teaching approach. Other methods, including role-playing, learning through Internet and the analysis of video materials are far less frequently used in schools in most of the countries. Surprisingly, the potentials of voluntary work in humanitarian and other civil society organizations for developing an active and socially responsible citizen still remains largely unrecognised across the region. It would be desired that students would more frequently be involved as trainers and resource persons in the learning process, particularly when they can present their own experiences in democratic inclusion and participation, show their motivation for social and political work or transmit their skills to their peers.

51. Further remarks on students’ assessment of class atmosphere The atmosphere in which students from all the national samples learn about human rights and citizenship seems to be friendly and relaxed. At the same time, in half of the samples it is reported by roughly one third of respondents as boring, as well as less frequently inquiry-oriented and motivating. When these data are combined with the data on teaching methods and on student-centeredness, the results suggest that a relaxed and friendly atmosphere during instruction in civic and human rights education might lead, at least in some schools across the region, to understanding of citizenship as a non-problematic topic in the context of which it is less important to critically examine the rules than to obey them. Such a practice has more to do with an authoritative dissemination of knowledge about human rights, democracy and citizenship than with its construction through experience, inquiry and interaction which is the reason why such instruction primarily promotes a passive type of citizens instead of an engaged one The atmosphere in which students from all the national samples learn about human rights and citizenship seems to be friendly and relaxed. At the same time, in half of the samples it is reported by roughly one third of respondents as boring, as well as less frequently inquiry-oriented and motivating. When these data are combined with the data on teaching methods and on student-centeredness, the results suggest that a relaxed and friendly atmosphere during instruction in civic and human rights education might lead, at least in some schools across the region, to understanding of citizenship as a non-problematic topic in the context of which it is less important to critically examine the rules than to obey them. Such a practice has more to do with an authoritative dissemination of knowledge about human rights, democracy and citizenship than with its construction through experience, inquiry and interaction which is the reason why such instruction primarily promotes a passive type of citizens instead of an engaged one

52. Further remarks on students’ suggestions how to improve teaching Consequently, when asked about what should be done to improve learning for human rights and citizenship in schools, the majority of respondents in all national samples opted for: Consequently, when asked about what should be done to improve learning for human rights and citizenship in schools, the majority of respondents in all national samples opted for: –more discussion on socially important and controversial issues in the classroom –less teachers’ lecturing and more active methods of learning –more voluntary work in the community as an integral part of the civic and human rights education programmes –more use of modern media, including Internet –more students’ influence on school policy and practice.

53. Further remarks on students’ civic and political culture Students’ civic and political culture Students’ civic and political culture –The concept of political culture has been defined and operationalized in research in many different ways. One simple but widely accepted definition is that it refers to values, attitudes and beliefs of citizens regarding a political system they live in, which underpin the operation of that system. The core dimensions include citizens’ political knowledge and information, political and social trust, value orientation and participation. –For the purpose of this research we have expanded the content of some of these dimensions and added new ones. Apart from political information, political and social trust, value orientation and actual participation, we make an inquiry on the sources of students’ political knowledge, their assumptions regarding their civic and political participation as adults; their distance towards a selected list of national and religious groups and their attitudes to the importance and outcomes of the membership in the European Union for democracies in transition.

54. Further remarks on students’ civic and political culture Students in all samples are in average moderately informed about political events in their countries. Students in all samples are in average moderately informed about political events in their countries. Television seems to be the most influential source of political information, followed by newspaper, Internet and the family. The contribution of school subjects varies among the national samples but, in average, school impact is rather moderate and lags behind the impact of television, newspaper or Internet. Television seems to be the most influential source of political information, followed by newspaper, Internet and the family. The contribution of school subjects varies among the national samples but, in average, school impact is rather moderate and lags behind the impact of television, newspaper or Internet. This generation of students seems to be a generation of passive citizens. They seldom participate in civic or (quasi)political activities, including decision-making in their schools. This generation of students seems to be a generation of passive citizens. They seldom participate in civic or (quasi)political activities, including decision-making in their schools. The data on students’ participation as adults suggest that they might become more engaged in typical civic activities in the future. The data on students’ participation as adults suggest that they might become more engaged in typical civic activities in the future.

55. Further remarks on students’ civic and political culture The most preferred values across the region are: family, justice, personal freedom, home privacy, friends, equality of all, leisure time and, to some extent, well-paid job, while the least preferred, although still high in rank, are belonging to the European culture, freedom of media and the protection of minorities. In addition, to over three fifths of the respondents in each national sample the most important values are national identity, tradition and religion. Many of the values preferred the most across the region belong to, what Ronald Inglehart calls, post-materialist and self-expressive value categories. However, when these findings are contrasted to the patterns of students’ civic and (quasi)political actual participation, as well as to their social and political trust, it seems that such value orientation is more an expression of the respondents’ need for privacy and social insularity than of their preference for a non-conventional type of citizenship. Thus, it remains unclear whether the secondary school students from the region perceive themselves as citizens at all. The findings disclose that a substantive majority of them in all the national samples is attached solely to their small, private worlds in which they act as members of the family or a group of friends and neighbours. The most preferred values across the region are: family, justice, personal freedom, home privacy, friends, equality of all, leisure time and, to some extent, well-paid job, while the least preferred, although still high in rank, are belonging to the European culture, freedom of media and the protection of minorities. In addition, to over three fifths of the respondents in each national sample the most important values are national identity, tradition and religion. Many of the values preferred the most across the region belong to, what Ronald Inglehart calls, post-materialist and self-expressive value categories. However, when these findings are contrasted to the patterns of students’ civic and (quasi)political actual participation, as well as to their social and political trust, it seems that such value orientation is more an expression of the respondents’ need for privacy and social insularity than of their preference for a non-conventional type of citizenship. Thus, it remains unclear whether the secondary school students from the region perceive themselves as citizens at all. The findings disclose that a substantive majority of them in all the national samples is attached solely to their small, private worlds in which they act as members of the family or a group of friends and neighbours.

56. Further remarks on students’ civic and political culture Our thesis on the lack of awareness of their roles as democratic citizens among the respondents from all national samples becomes plausible when data on political and social trust are analysed. With some exceptions, students across the region generally express a low level of trust in all national and local democratic institutions. Their distrust in domestic institutions is even greater than it is in the European and international political, legal and financial organisations and institutions, as well as in media and the civil society organisations. Religious institutions and teachers are generally more trusted but are still kept at the moderate level. On the contrary, a substantive majority in all national samples trust a lot or very much only to parents, themselves, and friends, i.e., to the actors of the so-called personal and interpersonal sphere. Our thesis on the lack of awareness of their roles as democratic citizens among the respondents from all national samples becomes plausible when data on political and social trust are analysed. With some exceptions, students across the region generally express a low level of trust in all national and local democratic institutions. Their distrust in domestic institutions is even greater than it is in the European and international political, legal and financial organisations and institutions, as well as in media and the civil society organisations. Religious institutions and teachers are generally more trusted but are still kept at the moderate level. On the contrary, a substantive majority in all national samples trust a lot or very much only to parents, themselves, and friends, i.e., to the actors of the so-called personal and interpersonal sphere. Majority of respondents across the region do not trust their neighbours, either. When asked how much they would like to have as a neighbour the members of national and religious groups with a minority status in their countries or those who are the citizens of neighbouring countries located in the Southeast and Central European regions, it happens that the majority of students in each national sample feel distanced from all out-groups, being they national/ethnic or religious. With some exceptions, social distance towards other religious groups seems to be higher than towards other national groups. Majority of respondents across the region do not trust their neighbours, either. When asked how much they would like to have as a neighbour the members of national and religious groups with a minority status in their countries or those who are the citizens of neighbouring countries located in the Southeast and Central European regions, it happens that the majority of students in each national sample feel distanced from all out-groups, being they national/ethnic or religious. With some exceptions, social distance towards other religious groups seems to be higher than towards other national groups.

57. Further remarks on students’ civic and political culture The last issue examined in this section was the European integration. This issue was seen as an important part of studying political culture of the secondary school students in the region for two reasons. First, citizens’ opinions about the integration reflect particular understanding and beliefs that have an important impact on national political leaders and, thus, can significantly underpin the operation of the political system. Second, since all countries in transition seeking the EU membership are expected to prepare their younger generations for living in an integrated Europe, they can make this process more successful if the attitudes and opinions of younger generations towards EU are understood and taken as the basis of preparation. The last issue examined in this section was the European integration. This issue was seen as an important part of studying political culture of the secondary school students in the region for two reasons. First, citizens’ opinions about the integration reflect particular understanding and beliefs that have an important impact on national political leaders and, thus, can significantly underpin the operation of the political system. Second, since all countries in transition seeking the EU membership are expected to prepare their younger generations for living in an integrated Europe, they can make this process more successful if the attitudes and opinions of younger generations towards EU are understood and taken as the basis of preparation. When asked to assess the importance of membership in the European Union for their country the results show significant differences among the national samples. In average they range from somewhat important to important. In some countries two opposing groups were identified that can be described as the “Eurosceptics” and the “Eurooptimists”. When asked to assess the importance of membership in the European Union for their country the results show significant differences among the national samples. In average they range from somewhat important to important. In some countries two opposing groups were identified that can be described as the “Eurosceptics” and the “Eurooptimists”. When these data are compared with the students’ assessment of the impact of integration for their respective countries, it was found that students’ assessments should not be solely seen as informed by opposing views on integration. In fact, it seems that a considerable number of respondents in almost all national samples chose a moderate position. With the exception of one national sample which demonstrates a high level of Eurooptimism on almost all the items, majority of respondents in the remaining national samples do not believe that their respective societies would become, inter alia, much more democratic, that living standard would improve significantly; that corruption in public offices would be eliminated and that the politicians would be much more responsible to public in the process of decision-making. Surprisingly, a considerable number of respondents in each national sample does not agree that the sovereignty of national governments would be limited, that national treasures would be in the hands of foreigners and that the foreigners would become the owners of big companies. The changes on which the students across the region agree the most refer to the improvement of education and the establishment of better relations with other countries. When these data are compared with the students’ assessment of the impact of integration for their respective countries, it was found that students’ assessments should not be solely seen as informed by opposing views on integration. In fact, it seems that a considerable number of respondents in almost all national samples chose a moderate position. With the exception of one national sample which demonstrates a high level of Eurooptimism on almost all the items, majority of respondents in the remaining national samples do not believe that their respective societies would become, inter alia, much more democratic, that living standard would improve significantly; that corruption in public offices would be eliminated and that the politicians would be much more responsible to public in the process of decision-making. Surprisingly, a considerable number of respondents in each national sample does not agree that the sovereignty of national governments would be limited, that national treasures would be in the hands of foreigners and that the foreigners would become the owners of big companies. The changes on which the students across the region agree the most refer to the improvement of education and the establishment of better relations with other countries.

58. Conclusions The results of the presented regional pilot-study show that the current systems of civic education as well as their results, reflected by the responses of participating students in the respective countries of Central and South Eastern Europe can be considered inadequate. The results of the presented regional pilot-study show that the current systems of civic education as well as their results, reflected by the responses of participating students in the respective countries of Central and South Eastern Europe can be considered inadequate. Despite the limitations of this pilot research – in its approach, scope, methodology and contents, it provide relevant insights and allows for some relevant conclusions. Despite the limitations of this pilot research – in its approach, scope, methodology and contents, it provide relevant insights and allows for some relevant conclusions. In all studied countries there are the need and a lot of space for improvement in the field of human rights and citizenship education. However, the governments and (political and economic) elites seem to lack the interest and political will needed to adequately fund, expand, improve and develop the civic and human rights education for active democratic citizenship – possibly fearing its impacts on their monopolies of power, as they are aware that the increased active and actual democratic participation of the people would decrease their actual social power and increase their political and public responsibility. In all studied countries there are the need and a lot of space for improvement in the field of human rights and citizenship education. However, the governments and (political and economic) elites seem to lack the interest and political will needed to adequately fund, expand, improve and develop the civic and human rights education for active democratic citizenship – possibly fearing its impacts on their monopolies of power, as they are aware that the increased active and actual democratic participation of the people would decrease their actual social power and increase their political and public responsibility. Knowledge and skills can be acquired and developed in the process of life-long learning particularly by inclusion, equal and active participation of all individuals in actual social, economic and political decision making processes at all levels – from local to national, but also in the international community. Knowledge and skills can be acquired and developed in the process of life-long learning particularly by inclusion, equal and active participation of all individuals in actual social, economic and political decision making processes at all levels – from local to national, but also in the international community.

59. Conclusion In all studied countries there are the need and a lot of space for improvement in the field of human rights and citizenship education. However, the governments and (political and economic) elites seem to lack the interest and political will needed to adequately fund, expand, improve and develop the civic and human rights education for active democratic citizenship – possibly fearing its impacts on their monopolies of power, as they are aware that the increased active and actual democratic participation of the people would decrease their actual social power and increase their political and public responsibility. In all studied countries there are the need and a lot of space for improvement in the field of human rights and citizenship education. However, the governments and (political and economic) elites seem to lack the interest and political will needed to adequately fund, expand, improve and develop the civic and human rights education for active democratic citizenship – possibly fearing its impacts on their monopolies of power, as they are aware that the increased active and actual democratic participation of the people would decrease their actual social power and increase their political and public responsibility. The authors suggest that if the political will exists within societies certain important results in developing the adequate civic and human rights education for active democratic citizenship can be achieved with minimal investments and without substantial financial and organizational resources – possibly just by the stimulation, inclusion and coordination of all relevant actors, from individuals, particularly educators and social/political activists, associations and organizations of civic society and companies to public and state institutions, particularly educational institutions at all levels and media. In this context, an important role shall be played by political institutions and politicians that shall contribute to the development and application of the highest human rights, ethical and moral standards. The authors suggest that if the political will exists within societies certain important results in developing the adequate civic and human rights education for active democratic citizenship can be achieved with minimal investments and without substantial financial and organizational resources – possibly just by the stimulation, inclusion and coordination of all relevant actors, from individuals, particularly educators and social/political activists, associations and organizations of civic society and companies to public and state institutions, particularly educational institutions at all levels and media. In this context, an important role shall be played by political institutions and politicians that shall contribute to the development and application of the highest human rights, ethical and moral standards. Knowledge and skills can be acquired and developed in the process of life-long learning particularly by inclusion, equal and active participation of all individuals in actual social, economic and political decision making processes at all levels – from local to national, but also in the international community. These considerations shall be included in educational strategies, policies and legislation of the countries of the region that hopefully will determine civic and human rights education as important social and political goals and priorities that shall contribute to the future peace, stability, inclusion and integration, democratic and sustainable development in the region and in respective countries. Knowledge and skills can be acquired and developed in the process of life-long learning particularly by inclusion, equal and active participation of all individuals in actual social, economic and political decision making processes at all levels – from local to national, but also in the international community. These considerations shall be included in educational strategies, policies and legislation of the countries of the region that hopefully will determine civic and human rights education as important social and political goals and priorities that shall contribute to the future peace, stability, inclusion and integration, democratic and sustainable development in the region and in respective countries.