1. Chapter Nine Hispanic Americans: Colonization, Immigration, and Ethnic Enclaves © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

2. Colonized or Immigrant Minority Group? Before Jamestown was founded, the ancestors of some Hispanic groups were already in North America. Hispanic Americans are 12.5% of the total population, and they became the largest U.S. minority group in the spring of 2001. By 2050, 1 out of every 4 Americans will be Hispanic. Hispanics are partly an ethnic group and partly a racial group. Although the term Hispanic American may be the preferred label for many Latinos/as, the term can have negative meanings and controversial connotations. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

3. Colonized or Immigrant Minority Group? © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

4. Mexican Americans Mexicans were conquered and colonized in the 19th century and used as a cheap labor in many areas of the dominant group economy in the Southwest. By the dawn of the 20th century, Mexican Americans resembled Native Americans in some ways, southern African Americans in other ways. The most crucial difference was the proximity of the sovereign nation of Mexico, which facilitated constant population movement across the border continually rejuvenating Mexican culture and the Spanish language even as they were attacked and disparaged by Anglo- American society. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

5. Mexican Americans The overwhelming majority of Mexican Americans are Catholic. There is little difference between the value systems of Mexican Americans and other Americans of similar backgrounds (e.g., see Buriel, 1993; Moore & Pinderhughes, 1993; Valentine & Mosley, 2000). Machismo is a matter of degree and not difference (Moore & Pachon, 1985). Mexican Americans place more value on family relations and obligations. These cultural differences have served as the basis for excluding Mexican Americans from the larger society, however, they also have provided a basis for group cohesion and unity that has sustained common action and protest activity. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

6. Mexican Americans Since the early 1900s (and especially since the 1960s) the Mexican American experience has been largely shaped by fluctuating immigration that can be explained by conditions in Mexico, the varying demand for labor in the low-paying, unskilled sector of the U.S. economy, and by changing federal immigration policy. –Uneven foreign economic development and the 1910 Mexican Revolution –WWI and European and Asian immigration restrictions –Depression and repatriation –WWII, the Bracero Program, and “Operation Wetback” –1965 Immigration Act and family preferences –Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1984 © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

7. Mexican Americans © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

8. Mexican Americans The flow of population from Mexico was and is stimulated and sustained by powerful political and economic interests in the United States. Mexican immigrants enter a social system in which a colonized status for the group had already been established. The twisting history of U.S. policy on Mexican immigration should serve as a reminder that levels of prejudice, racism, and discrimination increase as competition and the sense of threat between groups increases. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

9. Mexican Americans Throughout much of the 20th century, Mexican Americans have been limited to the less desirable, low-wage jobs, and split labor markets have been common. The workforce has often been further split by gender, with Mexican American women assigned to the worst jobs and receiving the lowest wages in both urban and rural areas. Mexican Americans were excluded from political, educational, and legal institutions of the larger society by law and by custom. Discrimination in the criminal justice system and civil rights violations have been continual grievances of Mexican Americans throughout the century. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

10. Mexican Americans Organized local resistance and protest stretch back to the original contact period in the 19th century. Regional and national organizations made their appearance early in the 20th century and were integrationist and assimilationist in nature—LULAC. Mid-20 th century labor organizing and WWII brought about new organizations that changed the focus from assimilation per se, and worked to address a broad array of community problems and to increase poltical power—Community Service Organization and the American GI Forum. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

11. Mexican Americans The 1960s Chicano movement was guided by Chicanismo. The movement questioned the value of assimilation and increased awareness of the continuing exploitation of Mexican Americans, illustrated through adoption of Chicano as the group name. The movement produced important organizations and leaders: –Reies Lopez Tijerina and Alianza de Mercedes (1963) –Corky Gonzalez and Crusade for Justice (1965) –Jose Angel Gutierrez and La Raza Unida (1973) –Cesar Chavez and United Farm Workers © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

12. Mexican Americans Jessie Lopez and Dolores Huerta were central figures in the movement to organize farm workers and worked closely with Cesar Chávez. However, Chicanas encountered sexism and gender discrimination within the movement. Chicanas helped to organize poor communities and worked for welfare reform. Continuing issues include domestic violence, child care, the criminal victimization of women, and the racial and gender oppression that limits women of all minority groups (Amott & Matthaei, 1991, pp. 82– 86; see also Mirandé & Enriquez, 1979, pp. 202–243). © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

13. Mexican Americans Unlike immigrants from Europe, Mexican Americans tended to work and live in rural areas distant from and marginal to the urban centers of industrialization and opportunities for education, skill development, and upward mobility. As Chicanos urbanized, they continued to serve as a colonized, exploited labor force concentrated at the lower end of the stratification system. The flow of immigration kept Mexican culture and the Spanish language alive. Although some Mexican Americans have acculturated and integrated, a large segment of the group continues to fill the same economic role as their ancestors. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

14. Puerto Ricans Puerto Rico became a territory of the United States after the defeat of Spain in the Spanish-American War of 1898. As the century wore on, U.S. firms began to invest in and develop the sugarcane industry that decreased opportunities for economic survival in the rural areas and forcing many peasants to move into the cities (Portes, 1990, p. 163). Movement to the mainland began gradually and increased slowly until the 1940s, when the number of Puerto Ricans on the mainland increased more than fourfold, to 300,000, and during the 1950s, it nearly tripled, to 887,000 (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1976, p. 19). © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

15. Puerto Ricans Puerto Ricans became citizens of the United States in 1917, which facilitated their movement. Unemployment was a major problem on the island. Puerto Ricans were “pulled” to the mainland by the same labor shortages that attracted Mexican immigrants during and after World War II. –Puerto Ricans moved to the Northeast –Took jobs in the low-wage, unskilled sector of the job market –Concentrated in urban labor markets (Portes, 1990, p. 164) © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

16. Puerto Ricans Movement was facilitated by affordable air travel between San Juan and New York City, the major center of settlement for Puerto Ricans even before annexation. Puerto Ricans on the mainland remain centered in New York City, and more than two thirds currently reside in the cities of the Northeast (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000m). The rate of Puerto Rican migration has followed the cycle of boom and bust, just as it has for Mexican immigrants. Although economically diversified, the bulk of the group remains concentrated in lower-status jobs as unskilled factory and service sector laborers (males), or employed as domestics or seamstresses for the garment industry (females) in New York City (Portes, 1990, p. 164). © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

17. Puerto Ricans Puerto Ricans are overwhelmingly Catholic, but the religious practices and rituals on the mainland are quite different from those on the island. Even though skin color prejudice still exists in Puerto Rico, it was never as categorical as on the mainland. In the racially dichotomized U.S. culture, many Puerto Ricans feel they have no clear place. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

18. Puerto Ricans Puerto Ricans arrived in the cities of the Northeast long after the great wave of European immigrants and several decades after African Americans began migrating from the South. Puerto Ricans share many problems with other urban minority groups of color: poverty, failing educational systems, and crime. Puerto Ricans on the mainland combine elements of both an immigrant and a colonized minority experience. Puerto Rican culture retains a strong vitality and is continually reinvigorated by the considerable movement back and forth between the island and the mainland. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

19. Cuban Americans The contact period for Cuban Americans dates back to the Spanish-American War. Despite its nominal independence, the United States remained heavily involved in Cuban politics and economics for decades, and U.S. troops actually occupied the island on two different occasions. The development of a Cuban American minority group bears little resemblance to the experience of either Chicanos or Puerto Ricans. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

20. Cuban Americans The conditions for a mass immigration were created in the late 1950s when a Marxist revolution brought Fidel Castro to power in Cuba. The first Cuban immigrants to the United States tended to come from the more elite classes and included affluent and powerful people. The U.S. government welcomed the new arrivals as political refugees fleeing from communist tyranny. Many profoundly Americanized Cuban exiles viewed southern Florida as an ideal spot from which to launch a counterrevolution to oust Castro. (Portes, 1990, p. 165). © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

21. Cuban Americans Immigration was considerable for several years. In 1980, a wave of immigrants generated a great deal of controversy in the United States because the Cuban government used the opportunity to rid itself of a variety of convicted criminals and outcasts. However, the Marielitos also included people from every segment of Cuban society, a fact that was lost in the clamor of concern about the “undesirables” (Portes & Manning, 1986, p. 58). © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

22. Cuban Americans Today, Cuban Americans remain one of the most spatially concentrated minority groups in the United States (67% in Florida; 52% in Miami; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000s), which has created a great deal of civil disorder over the years. Cuban Americans rank higher than other Latino groups on a number of dimensions, a reflection of the educational and economic resources they brought with them from Cuba and the favorable reception they enjoyed from the United States (Portes, 1990, p. 169). The differences run deeper and are more complex than a simple accounting of initial resources would suggest as Cubans adapted to U.S. society in a fundamentally different way than the other two Latino groups. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

23. Cuban Americans Cuban Americans are an enclave minority. An ethnic enclave is a social, economic, and cultural subsociety controlled by the group itself, located in a specific geographical area or neighborhood inhabited solely or largely by members of the group. The enclave encompasses sufficient economic enterprises and social institutions to permit the group to function as a self-contained entity, largely independent of the surrounding community. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

24. Cuban Americans The fact that the enclave economy is controlled by the group itself is crucial. The ethnic enclave provides a platform from which Cuban Americans can pursue economic success independent of their degree of acculturation or English language ability. The fact that success came faster to Cubans that were less acculturated reverses the prediction of many theories of assimilation. A final qualification, success has been selective and inequality continues to be a problem for Cuban Americans. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

25. Cuban Americans Cuban Americans are neither the first nor the only group to develop an ethnic enclave, and their success has generated prejudice and resentment from the dominant group and from other minority groups. Higher-status Cuban Americans have been stereotyped as “too successful,” “too clannish,” and “too ambitious.” This stereotype of Cubans is an exaggeration and a misperception that obscures the fact that poverty and unemployment are major problems for many members of this group. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

26. Recent Immigration from Latin America and the Caribbean Immigration from Central and South America and the Caribbean has been considerable since the 1960s. This stream of immigrants is diverse as well as large and includes French, British, and Portuguese traditions as well as Spanish. Some are highly educated professionals, whereas others are farmhands, political refugees, skilled technicians, or the wives and children of U.S. citizens. Mexico accounts for about half, and large contingents have come from the Dominican Republic, Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti, and Colombia (U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, 2000, pp. 21-22). © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

27. Recent Immigration from Latin America and the Caribbean © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

28. Recent Immigration from Latin America and the Caribbean Contrary to widely held beliefs, Latino immigrants do not represent the “wretched refuse” of their homelands. They tend to be rather ambitious as evidenced by their willingness to attempt to succeed in a society that has not been notably hospitable to Latinos in the past. This characterization applies to legal and unauthorized immigrants alike. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

29. Recent Immigration from Latin America and the Caribbean New York City and Los Angeles remain major points of entry, and Houston and Miami also receive large numbers of Latino immigrants. The impact of these newcomers on local communities can be considerable, and immigration has generated considerable controversy in recent years. Overall, the economic impact of immigration has been positive. Some research projects suggest that immigrants cost less than they contribute. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

30. Recent Immigration from Latin America and the Caribbean Two points seem clear in the continuing debate over immigration: –Prejudice and racism are part of what motivates people to oppose immigration –Immigrants, legal and illegal, continue to find work with Anglo employers and niches in American society in which they can survive The primary beneficiaries of this long-established system are employers, who benefit from a cheaper, more easily exploited workforce, and American consumers, who benefit from lower prices in the marketplace. Immigration contributes to the wealth and affluence of the more developed societies and particularly to the dominant groups and elite classes of those societies. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

31. Comparing Minority Groups: Will Contemporary Immigrants from Central and South America and the Caribbean Assimilate as European Immigrants Did? Strong evidence suggests that the success story of the white ethnic groups will not be repeated. –Immigration has become continuous and revitalizing for ethnic cultures and languages, so immigrant groups will strain toward both assimilation and pluralism simultaneously. –The speed and ease of modern transportation and communication will help to maintain cultural and linguistic diversity. –Contemporary immigrants face an economy and a labor market that are vastly different from those faced by European immigrants. Assimilation today is segmented and different groups can expect to follow different pathways of incorporation into the larger society (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Portes & Zhou, 1993). © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

32. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations The level of Latino prejudice has declined, but prejudice and racism against Latinos tend to increase during times of high immigration. Research shows that Hispanic groups’ rates of acculturation increase with length of residence and are higher for the native born (Espinosa & Massey, 1997; Godstein & Suro, 2000; Valentine & Mosley, 2000). Racial factors have complicated and slowed the process of assimilation for many Latinos. Cultural differences reflect the recency of immigration. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

33. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations Regional concentrations of Latinos in 2000 reflect the legacies of their varied patterns of entry and settlement. Within each of these regions, Latino groups are highly urbanized. Hispanics are generally less residentially segregated than African Americans but more segregated than Asian Americans, with the highest levels of segregation in the cities of the Northeast (Pollard & O’Hare, 1999, p. 29). © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

37. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

38. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations Levels of education for Hispanic Americans have risen in recent years but still lag behind national standards. Lower levels of education are the cumulative results of decades of systematic discrimination and exclusion further reduced, in the case of Mexican Americans, by the high percentage of recent immigrants who bring very modest educational backgrounds. Given the role that educational credentials have come to play in the job market, these figures support the idea that assimilation will be segmented and suggest that opportunities for upward mobility will continue to be limited. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

39. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

40. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

41. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations The political resources available to Hispanic Americans have increased over the years, but the group is still proportionally underrepresented. The number of Hispanics of voting age has more than doubled in recent decades, yet the Hispanic community has not had an impact on the political structure proportionate to its size. With their rapid growth rate, it is clear that the Hispanic voters will have a much greater impact on politics in the future, especially as second- and third-generation children reach voting age (Del Pinal & Singer, 1997, p. 42). © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

42. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations The economic situation of Hispanic Americans is mixed. The unemployment rates for Hispanic Americans run about twice the rate for non-Hispanic whites, and the poverty rates for the group as a whole are comparable to those of African Americans (Camarillo & Bonilla, 2001, pp. 110-111). As was the case with African Americans and Native Americans, these economic differences are even wider when we consider wealth (savings, property, stocks and bonds, etc.) as opposed to income. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

43. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

44. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

45. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

46. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

47. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations The socioeconomic profiles of Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans reflect their concentration in the low-wage sector of the economy, the long tradition of discrimination and exclusion, and the lower amounts of human capital (education, job training) controlled by these groups. Cuban Americans, buoyed by a more privileged social class background and their enclave economy, rank higher on virtually all measures of wealth and prosperity. These figures point to a split labor market differentiated by gender, within the dual market differentiated by race and ethnicity. Female-headed Latino families are affected by a triple economic handicap: They have only one wage earner, whose potential income is limited by discrimination against both women and Latinos. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

48. Contemporary Hispanic-White Relations The extent of intimate contact between Hispanic Americans and the dominant group is probably higher than for either African Americans or Native Americans. Some studies report that contact is greater for the more affluent social classes, in the cities, and for the younger generations (who are presumably more Americanized) (Fitzpatrick, 1976; Grebler et al., 1970, p. 397; Rodriguez, 1989, pp. 70–72). Rates of intermarriage are higher for Latinos (3.5%) than for African Americans (< 1%) (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2002, p. 47). © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003

49. Assimilation and Hispanic Americans As test cases for what we have called the traditional view of American assimilation, Latinos fare poorly as there is no single experience or pattern of adjustment to the larger society. Their experiences also illustrate some of the fundamental forces that shape the experiences of minority groups: the split labor market and the U.S. appetite for cheap labor, the impact of industrialization, the dangers of a permanent urban underclass, the relationships between competition and levels of prejudice and rejection, and the persistence of race as a primary dividing line between people and groups. © Pine Forge Press, an imprint of Sage Publications, 2003