2. A fault of default Local and global default in Hebrew feminine verbs Outi Bat-El Tel-Aviv University obatel@post.tau.ac.il  www.outibatel.com Allomorphy  The Hebrew University  June 2014

3. 2 DefaultAllomorphy  Given two or more surface allomorphs, which one is the default?  The answer is often trivial Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

4. Two types of allomorphy - two types of default  Phonologically-conditioned allomorphy – the default is identical to the underlying representation (basic)* 3 English Plural -en Identity / -ø-z -ɨz-s-z childrensheepbusescatsdogs Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a *Zwicky, M. Arnold. 1986. The general case: Basic form versus Default form. Proceedings of the 12 th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society. 305-314.

5. Two types of default  Phonologically-conditioned allomorphy – the default is identical to the underlying representation (basic)  Non-phonologically-conditioned allomorphy – the default is NOT irregular & NOT limited in distribution (???) 4 English Plural -en Identity / -ø-z -ɨz-s-z childrensheepbusescatsdogs Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

6. Information to the contrary  specific[X] sg  [X-en] pl X = ox, … No information  default [X] sg  [X-z] pl The default allomorph appears whenever the specific one fails – it is the elsewhere case** English Plural *Reiter, R. 1980. A logic for default reasoning. Artificial Intelligence 13:81-132. **Kiparsky, Paul. 1973. ‘Elsewhere’ in phonology. In S.R. Anderson and P. Kiparsky (eds), A Festchrift for Morris Halle. 93-106. Hold, Rinehart and Winston. 5 Default X: In the absence of any information to the contrary, assume X* Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

7. Question addressed Which of the two F M.S G suffixes appearing in present tense verbs in Hebrew is the default? -et or -a? 6 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

8. On the menu  Data: The distribution of the F M.S G suffixes  Take I: Default -et  Take II: Default -a  Claim: Both default – local and global default  OT analysis  V final stems – free variation  Experimental results  More questions 7 Part A: Life is good Part B: Life is not perfect Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

9. Suffixes in the verb paradigm PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 8 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

10. Suffixes in the verb paradigm PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 9 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a Present No person contrast

11. Suffixes in the verb paradigm PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 10 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a Plural Past and Future No gender contrast

12. Suffixes in the verb paradigm PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 11 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a Future Prefixes provide further contrast

13. PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 12 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm

14. PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 13 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm -t and -et can serve as the only surface cue for tense contrast ‘enter’Ms. Sg.Fm. Sg. Pastnixnásnixnás-t ‘2 nd pr. Presentnixnásnixnés-et

15. PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 14 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm -a appears in both Past and Present

16. PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 15 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm -a appears in both Past and Present Ms. Sg.Fm. Sg. Pasthixníshixnís-a ‘put it’ Presentmaxnísmaxnis-á Pastkamkám-a ‘get up’ Presentkamkám-a

17. PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 16 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm -a appears in both Past and Present Ms. Sg.Fm. Sg. Pasthixníshixnís-a ‘put it’ Presentmaxnísmaxnis-á Pastkamkám-a ‘get up’ Presentkamkám-a

18. PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 17 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm -a appears in both Past and Present Ms. Sg.Fm. Sg. Pasthixníshixnís-a ‘put it’ Presentmaxnísmaxnis-á Pastkamkám-a ‘get up’ Presentkamkám-a

19. PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 18 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a -t-et-i-a GenderFm. NumberSg. Person2 nd  (3 rd ) TensePastPresentFuturePast & Present F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm

20. PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 19 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a -t-et-i-a GenderFm. NumberSg. Person2 nd  (3 rd ) TensePastPresentFuturePast & Present F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Present F M.S G is the only case where one bundle of morphosyntactic features corresponds to two exponents

21. Why? 20 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a -t-et-i-a GenderFm. NumberSg. Person2 nd  (3 rd ) TensePastPresentFuturePast & Present Present F M.S G is the only case where one bundle of morphosyntactic features corresponds to two exponents

22. Why? A historical note  Modern Hebrew (MH) drew the verb paradigm from Biblical Hebrew (BH)  MH present tense paradigm was not a verbal paradigm in BH* 21 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a *דורון, עדית. תשס"ו-תשס"ז. רוזן על הסמנטיקה של מערכת זמני הפועל בעברית. העברית ואחיותיה ו-ז:268-249. -t-et-i-a GenderFm. NumberSg. Person2 nd  (3 rd ) TensePastPresentFuturePast & Present Present F M.S G is the only case where one bundle of morphosyntactic features corresponds to two exponents

23. Why? A historical note  Modern Hebrew (MH) drew the verb paradigm from Biblical Hebrew (BH)  MH Present tense paradigm was not a verbal paradigm in BH*  Noun morphology is much more chaotic than verb morphology, also with regard to the feminine suffixes**  The paradigm changed its status, but the chaos hasn’t yet disappeared 22 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a **Schwarzwald, R. Ora. 1991. Lexical weight in Hebrew inflectional feminine formation. In Alan S. Kaye (ed.) Semitic Studies In honor of Wolf Leslau. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. 1409-1425. -t-et-i-a GenderFm. NumberSg. Person2 nd  (3 rd ) TensePastPresentFuturePast & Present Present F M.S G is the only case where one bundle of morphosyntactic features corresponds to two exponents

24. PastPresentFuture NumPrGenNumGenNumPrGen Sg.1 -ti Sg.fm. -a -et Sg.1 2fm. -t ms.2fm. -i ms. -ta ms. 3fm. -a 3fm. ms. Pl.1 -nu Pl.fm. -ot Pl.1 2 -tem ms. -im 2 -u 3 3 23 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a -t-et-i-a GenderFm. NumberSg. Person2 nd  (3 rd ) TensePastPresentFuturePast & Present F M.S G Present tense suffixes

25. 24  If -a and -et do not share an UR  Then the default cannot be implied from the UR Note: No commitment as to whether the two suffixes share an UR Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

26. 25  If -a and -et share an UR*  Then, the UR cannot serve as default since it differs from both allomorphs *Faust, Noam. 2013. Decomposing the feminine suffixes of Modern Hebrew. Morphology 23:409-440. Phonological representation UR a t a t {at, CVCV}C V C V [-a] [-et] Note: No commitment as to whether the two suffixes share an UR Default – assuming we give “bad” markedness points to:  one-to-many association  floating segment Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

27. The F M.S G. suffixes -et and -a in the present tense Which is the default? 26 Take I: default -et Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

28. -a-a Monosyllabic verbsšáršár  šárašára ‘sing’ Polysyllabic verbs with a high vowel in the final syllablemakšív  makšivá ‘listen’ with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ The distribution of -a and -et in the present tense (C-final verbs)* 27 *אורנן, ע'. תשל"א. גישה חדשה לתיאור הפועל ולהוראתו והדגמתה בנטיית הבינוני. בתוך: ש' קודש (עורך) ספר קמרט. ירושלים: המועצה להנחלת הלשון. עמ' 44-32. Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

29. -a-a Monosyllabic verbsšáršár  šárašára ‘sing’ Polysyllabic verbs with a high vowel in the final syllablemakšív  makšivá ‘listen’ with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ The distribution of -a and -et in the present tense (C-final verbs) 28 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

30. -a-a Monosyllabic verbsšáršár  šárašára ‘sing’ Polysyllabic verbs with a high vowel in the final syllablemakšív  makšivá ‘listen’ with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ The distribution of -a and -et in the present tense (C-final verbs) 29 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

31. -a-a Monosyllabic verbsšáršár  šárašára ‘sing’ Polysyllabic verbs with a high vowel in the final syllablemakšív  makšivá ‘listen’ with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ The distribution of -a and -et in the present tense (C-final stems) 30 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

32. -a-a Monosyllabic verbsšáršár  šárašára ‘sing’ Polysyllabic verbs with a high vowel in the final syllablemakšív  makšivá ‘listen’ with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ -et elsewhere Polysyllabic verbs with a non-high vowel in the final syllable nixnás nofél  nixnéset nofélet ‘enter’ ‘fall’ with a non-low vowel in the first syllablemevakéš  mevakéšet ‘ask’ The distribution of -a and -et in the present tense (C-final verbs) Specific Default 31 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

33. Present / all verbs 41% 1229/2964 Present Fm.Sg / Present 8% 101/1229 -a 44% 44/101 -et 56% 57/101 Quantitative distribution 32 *Zadok, Gila. 2012. Similarity, Variation, and Change: In stability in Hebrew weak verbs. Ph.D. dissertation, Tel-Aviv University. **Complied and kindly provided by Shmuel Bolozky TypeToken -a 33% 161/498 43% 119,664/281,055 -et 68% 337/498 57% 161,391/281,055 498 most frequent verbs in written material** Natural speech tokens (2 hours recoding)* Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

34. 33  -a shows higher percentage of tokens than types  -a appears with irregular verbs The 10 most frequent verbs are irregular (in different ways) 8 out of the 10 take -a yexolá ‘can’, osá ‘do’, magiá ‘arrive’, báa ‘come’, roá ‘see’, ʦrexá ‘need’, roʦá ‘want’ oméret ‘say’, yodáat ‘know’* *-et surfaces as -at after the historical pharyngeals TypeToken -a 33%161/49843% 119,664/281,055 -et 68%338/49857% 161,391/281,055 Regularity: -a associats with irregular verbs (more than -et) Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

35. Summary of Take I The data suggest that -a is the specific allomorph, thus -et is the default, based on three types of evidence: 34 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

36. -a-a Monosyllabic verbsšáršár  šárašára ‘sing’ Polysyllabic verbs with a high vowel in the final syllablemakšív  makšivá ‘listen’ with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ -et elsewhere Polysyllabic verbs with a non-high vowel in the final syllable nixnás nofél  nixnéset nofélet ‘enter’ ‘fall’ with a non-low vowel in the first syllablemevakéš  mevakéšet ‘ask’ The distribution of -a and -et in the present tense (C-final verbs) Specific Default 35 Qualitative distribution Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

37. Present / all verbs 41% 1229/2964 Present Fm.Sg / Present 8% 101/1229 -a 44% 44/101 -et 56% 57/101 36 TypeToken -a 33% 161/498 43% 119,664/281,055 -et 68% 337/498 57% 161,391/281,055 498 most frequent verbs in written material Natural speech tokens (2 hours recoding) Quantitative distribution Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

38. 37  -a shows higher percentage of tokens than types  -a appears with irregular verbs The 10 most frequent verbs are irregular (in different ways) 8 out of the 10 take -a yexolá ‘can’, osá ‘do’, magiá ‘arrive’, báa ‘come’, roá ‘see’, ʦrexá ‘need’, roʦá ‘want’ oméret ‘say’, yodáat ‘know’* *-et surfaces as -at after the historical pharyngeals TypeToken -a 33%161/49843% 119,664/281,055 -et 68%338/49857% 161,391/281,055 Regularity: -a associats with irregular verbs (more than -et) Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a Affiliation with irregular verbs

39. The F M.S G. suffixes -et and -a in the present tense Which is the default? 38 Take II: default -a Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

40. 39 The fault of the default  Default X: In the absence of any information to the contrary, assume X  The default allomorph appears whenever the specific one fails  Assuming with Take I that -et is the default, we expect -et to appear whenever -a fails However …  -a appears whenever -et fails (blocked)  Therefore, -a must be the default Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

41. Phonological constraints on -et [ C V C V C ] Ft -lw -hi e t The suffix -et is preceded by a mid vowel in an open syllable The suffix -et is hosted by the weak syllable of a binary trochaic foot 40 -a emerges when the preceding vowel is not mid and it cannot change to mid Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

42. oxélet ‘eat’ oxél P RS.F M. S G -et F M.S G -a F M.S G  oxél-et* oxel-á*! šára ‘sing’’ šár P RS.F M. S G -et F M.S G -a F M.S G  šár-et*  šár-a*! Monosyllabic verbs take -a in Present šára ‘sing’ káma ‘get up’ ráʦa ‘run’ -et has priority over -a in Present oxélet ‘eat’ mevašélet ‘cook’ nixnéset ‘enter’ 41 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

43. Phonological constraints on -et [ C V C V C ] Ft -lw -hi e t The suffix -et is preceded by a mid vowel in an open syllable 42 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

44. šára ‘sing’ šár P RS.F M. S G M ID V-et -et F M.S G -a F M.S G šár-et*!*  šár-a* M ID V-et The suffix -et is preceded by a mid vowel in an open syllable 43 šára ‘sing’ šár P RS.F M. S G -et F M.S G -a F M.S G  šár-et*  šár-a*! Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

45. šára ‘sing’ šár P RS.F M.S G M ID V-et -et F M.S G -a F M.S G šár-et*!*  šar-a*!  šér-et* 44 Cf. nixnás – nixnéset ‘he – she enters’ Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

46. šára ‘sing’ šár P RS.F M.S G F AITH VM M ID V-et -et F M.S G -a F M.S G šár-et*!*  šár-a* šér-et*!* F AITH VM ONO A vowel in a monosyllabic input has an identical correspondent in the output 45 šára ‘sing’ šár P RS.F M.S G M ID V-et -et F M.S G -a F M.S G šár-et*!*  šar-a*!  šér-et* Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

47. maxnisá ‘put in’ maxnís P RS.F M.S G F AITH VM M ID V-et -et F M.S G -a F M.S G maxnís-et*!*  maxnés-et *  maxnis-á*! 46 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a Cf. nixnás – nixnéset ‘he – she enters’

48. maxnisá ‘put in’maxnis P RS.F M.S G. F AITH VH M ID V-et -et F M.S G -a F M.S G maxnís-et*!* maxnés-et*! *  maxnis-á* FaithV[high] A high vowel in the input has an identical correspondent In the output 47 maxnisá ‘put in’ maxnís P RS.F M.S G F AITH VM M ID V-et -et F M.S G -a F M.S G maxnís-et*!*  maxnés-et *  maxnis-á*! Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

49. -a-a Monosyllabic verbsšáršár  šárašára ‘sing’ Polysyllabic verbs with a high vowel in the final syllablemakšív  makšivá ‘listen’ with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ The distribution of -a in the present tense (C-final verbs) 48  Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

50. šára ‘sing’ šár P RS.F M.S G. F AITH VM M ID V-et -et F M.S G -a F M.S G šár-et*!*  šár-a* šér-et*!* F AITH VM ONO (F AITH VM) A vowel in a monosyllabic input has an identical correspondent in the output 49 M ID V-et The suffix -et is preceded by a mid vowel in an open syllable Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

51. -a-a Monosyllabic verbsšáršár  šárašára ‘sing’ Polysyllabic verbs with a high vowel in the final syllablemakšív  makšivá ‘listen’ with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ The distribution of -a and -et in the present tense (C-final verbs) 50   Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

52. maxnisá ‘put in’maxnis P RS.F M.S G. F AITH VH M ID V-et -et F M.S G -a F M.S G maxnís-et*!* maxnés-et*! *  maxnis-á* F AITH V[high] (F AITH VH) A high vowel in the input has an identical correspondent In the output 51 M ID V-et The suffix -et is preceded by a mid vowel in an open syllable Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

53. -a-a Monosyllabic verbsšáršár  šárašára ‘sing’ Polysyllabic verbs with a high vowel in the final syllablemakšív  makšivá ‘listen’ with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ The distribution of -a in the present tense (C-final verbs) 52    No synchronic story: There is nothing bad with jaxól – *jaxólet and katén – *katénet  Consolation: This group is gradually shrinking Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

54. -a-a with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ The distribution of -a in the present tense (C-final verbs) 53 Consolation: This group is gradually shrinking  Used only as adjectives:kavéd–kvedá‘heavy’ zakén–zkená‘old’ Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

55. -a-a with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ The distribution of -a in the present tense (C-final verbs) 54 Consolation: This group is gradually shrinking  Used only as adjectives:kavéd–kvedá‘heavy’ zakén–zkená‘old’  New verb pattern and suffix:gadélgadél–gdelá‘grow’ godélgodél–godélet jašénjašén–ješená‘sleep’ jošénjošén–jošénet Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

56. -a-a with a low vowel in the initial open syllable jaxól katén  jexolá ktená ‘can’ ‘reduce’ The distribution of -a in the present tense (C-final verbs) 55 Consolation: This group is gradually shrinking  Used only as adjectives:kavéd–kvedá‘heavy’ zakén–zkená‘old’  New verb pattern and suffix:gadélgadél–gdelá‘grow’ godélgodél–godélet jašénjašén–ješená‘sleep’ jošénjošén–jošénet  Gone for many speakers:katén–ktená‘reduce’ Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

57. When the default becomes specific 56 F M.S G -a F M.S G -et Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a Present

58. 57 F M.S G -a F M.S G -et -a-a -a-a Local default Global default Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a When the default becomes specific Present

59. Local and global default 58 Specific -en Default -z -a-a English plural Hebrew F M.S G present Default -et Default Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

60. Local and global default 59 Specific -en Default -d -a-a English past Local default -et Global default Hebrew F M.S G present Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

61. 60 Why is -a the global default? -a seems to associate with F M.S G more than other feminine suffixes  All a-final nouns are F M.S G (except lájla ‘night’ and šulijá ‘apprentice’)  There are Vt-final nouns which are not F M.S G Final (unstressed) et: séret ‘film’, kélet ‘input’, pélet ‘output’ Final it: tafrít ‘menu’, šarvít ‘scepter’  Loan nouns Final a – always feminine: televízja, piʤáma, máskara, diéta Otherwise – masculine: flirt, ʤóint, diskét, pakét Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a Experimental support is required

62. B1poné–poná‘turn’soné–sonét‘hate’ B2nivná–nivnét‘is built’nirpá–nirpét‘is healed’ B3mafné–mafná‘point out’maxbí–maxbiá‘hide’ B4mefané–mefaná‘clear’mexaté–mexatét‘purify’ B5mitpané–mitpaná‘is vacated’mitkané–mitkanét‘jealous’ 61 Vowel final verbs (the “life is not perfect” part)  The distribution of -a and -et is unpredictable  As expected, there is inter- and intra-speaker variation Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

63. 62 Vowel final verbs – historical reason for the chaos Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a BinyanHistorically final V ( ה )Historically final Ɂ ( א ) B1poné–ponásoné–sonét B2nivná–nivnétnirpá–nirpét B3mafné–mafnámaxbí–maxbiá B4mefané–mefanámexaté–mexatét B5mitpané–mitpanámitkané–mitkanét

64. BinyanHistorically final V ( ה )#Historically final Ɂ ( א )# B1poné–poná99soné–sonét18 B2nivná–nivnét24nirpá–nirpét9 B3mafné–mafná43maxbí–maxbiá18 B4mefané–mefaná52mexaté–mexatét12 B5mitpané–mitpaná43mitkané–mitkanét8 78% (255/327 ) -a 22% (72/327 ) -(e)t Distribution – type* 63 Vowel final verbs – distribution of suffixes (type) *Tarmon, Asher and Ezri Uval. 1998. Hebrew Verb Tables. Jerusalem: Tamir Publisher. Introduction : On default The distribution of Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

65. Question addressed Which of the two F M.S G suffixes appearing in V-final present tense verbs in Hebrew is the default? -et or -a? 64 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

66. 65 Experiment (pilot)  Participants 20 monolingual native speakers of Hebrew (mean age 22.5)  Task Simple sentences, with present tense M S.S G verbs Same verb in F M.S G E.g. áladin metaté ‘Aladdin sweeps’ jasmín … ‘Jasmin …’  Material (presented in the following order) Nonce verbs – 12:4 C-final 8 V-final Actual verbs – 15 V-final : 5 -a verbs 10 -et verbs Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

67. 66 Results: Actual verbs  -a verbs (n=5): 100% accuracy  -et verbs (n=10):-et – 46% -a – 54% (108/200)  “error” koremevatemitxabemitpalemevademetatememalemexatemekanemerape ‘read’‘express’‘hide’‘surprise’‘verify’‘sweep’‘fill’‘purify’‘envy’‘heals’ 19/2017/2012/2011/208/207/206/205/204/203/20 95%85%60%55%40%35%30%25%20%15% 33282--- 369---163---  Correct responses of -et verbs Position in Bolozky’s frequency list Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

68. BinyanHistorically final V ( ה )#Historically final Ɂ ( א )# B1poné–poná99soné–sonét18 B2nivná–nivnét24nirpá–nirpét9 B3mafné–mafná43maxbí–maxbiá18 B4mefané–mefaná52mexaté–mexatét12 B5mitpané–mitpaná43mitkané–mitkanét8 78% (255/327 ) -a 22% (72/327 ) -(e)t 67 Vowel final verbs – distribution of suffixes (type) Type frequency could play a role in the experiment -a verbs (n=5): 100% accuracy Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

69. 68 -a verbs (n=5): 100% accuracyNot in reality Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

70. 69 mitkašét instead of mitkašá ‘find it difficult / becomes hard’ -a verbs (n=5): 100% accuracy Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a Not in reality

71. 70 meramét instead of meramá ‘cheats’ konét instead of koná ‘buy’ Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a roʦét instead of roʦá ‘want’

72. Results: Nonce verbs C-final – 4 verbs: As expected, mostly -et 71  Syncretic with past 3 rd F M.S G - always -a -a-et B10% 0/20 100% 20/20 B245% 9/20 55% 11/20 B40% 0/20 100% 20/20 B55% 1/20 95% 19/20 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

73. Results: Nonce verbs V-final – 8 verbs (2 for each binyan) 72 Expectation – equal distribution: Not significant (p=0.1548) Expectation – 78% -a and 22% -et (following type distribution): Significant (p<0.0001) Where has 32% gone? Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a -a-et B150% 20/40 20% 8/40 B20% 0/40 65% 26/40 B423% 9/40 38% 15/40 B543% 17/40 35% 14/40 29% 46/160 39% 63/160

74. Results: Nonce verbs V-final – 8 verbs (2 for each binyan) 73 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a -a-et-at B150% 20/40 20% 8/40 5% 2/40 B20% 0/40 65% 26/40 18% 7/40 B423% 9/40 38% 15/40 3% 1/40 B543% 17/40 35% 14/40 8% 3/40 29% 46/160 39% 63/160 8% 13/160

75. Results: Nonce verbs V-final – 8 verbs (2 for each binyan) 74 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a -a-et-at B150% 20/40 20% 8/40 5% 2/40 B20% 0/40 65% 26/40 18% 7/40 B423% 9/40 38% 15/40 3% 1/40 B543% 17/40 35% 14/40 8% 3/40 29% 46/160 39% 63/160 8% 13/160 Dictionary distribution BinyanHistorically final Type B1šoméa–šomáat ‘hear’38 B2nišmá–nišmáat ‘is heard’23 B3mašpía–mašpiá ‘affect’36 B4mevaʦéa–mevaʦáat ‘perform’27 B5mitbaʦéa–mitbaʦáat ‘is executed’22

76. Results: Nonce verbs V-final – 8 verbs (2 for each binyan) 75 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a -a-et-at B150% 20/40 20% 8/40 5% 2/40 B20% 0/40 65% 26/40 18% 7/40 B423% 9/40 38% 15/40 3% 1/40 B543% 17/40 35% 14/40 8% 3/40 29% 46/160 39% 63/160 8% 13/160 Binyan <ה><ה><א><א> <ע><ע> B199 -a 18-et38-at-a62% B225 -et 9 23-at-et15% B343 -a 18-a36-a-at23% B452 -a 12-et27-at B543 -a 8-et22-at Total:47326255%6514%14631% Dictionary distribution

77. Results: Nonce verbs V-final – 8 verbs (2 for each binyan) 76 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a -a-et-at B150% 20/40 20% 8/40 5% 2/40 B20% 0/40 65% 26/40 18% 7/40 B423% 9/40 38% 15/40 3% 1/40 B543% 17/40 35% 14/40 8% 3/40 29% 46/160 39% 63/160 8% 13/160 Still missing 24%

78. Results: Nonce verbs V-final – 8 verbs (2 for each binyan) 77 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a -a-et-at-eCet B150% 20/40 20% 8/40 5% 2/40 25% 10/40 B20% 0/40 65% 26/40 18% 7/40 18% 7/40 B423% 9/40 38% 15/40 3% 1/40 38% 15/40 B543% 17/40 35% 14/40 8% 3/40 15% 6/40 29% 46/160 39% 63/160 8% 13/160 24% 38/160

79. Input melagemezatet͡ʃokegozemitgazemitgadenirxanirʒa add h/s melagéhett͡ʃokéset add t t͡ʃokétetgozétetnirxétetnirʒétet add n melagénet mezaténet t͡ʃokénetgozénetmitgazénetnirxénet nirʒénet add r melagéret t͡ʃokéret mitgadéret C copy melagéget mezatétet t͡ʃokéketgozézetmitgazézetmitgadédetnirʒézet 78 -éCet (24%) – experiment data How desperate one can get?  There is no C-copying within the inflectional paradigm  There are no structural relations of this sort in the inflectional paradigm We want -et Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

80. Input melagemezatet͡ʃokegozemitgazemitgadenirxanirʒa add h/s melagéhett͡ʃokéset add t t͡ʃokétetgozétetnirxétetnirʒétet add n melagénet mezaténet t͡ʃokénetgozénetmitgazénetnirxénet nirʒénet add r melagéret t͡ʃokéret mitgadéret C copy melagéget mezatétet t͡ʃokéketgozézetmitgazézetmitgadédetnirʒézet 79 -éCet (24%) – experiment data The strategies used to add a consonant are familiar from derivation  C-copying Actual words: xam ‘hot’ – ximém ‘to heat’ Experiment (coining novel verbs)*: kisé ‘chair’ – mekasés  Adding a consonant – coronal: Experiment* (coining novel verbs) kisé ‘chair’ – mekasét, mekasén Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a *Berman, Ruth. 1989. Children’s knowledge of verb structure: Data from Hebrew. A paper presented in the 14 th Annual Boston University conference on Language Development.

81. סיומת הנקבה של צורות הבינוני ( ההווה ) יכולה להיות ־ת או ־ָה, אלא שלרוב בכל בניין מבנייני הפועל נעשתה סיומת אחת לסיומת השגורה, ואילו הסיומת האחרת או שאינה משמשת כלל או שמוצאים אותה רק בלשון ספרותית או בצירופים כבולים. ברוב הבניינים הסיומת השגורה היא ־ת, ואילו בבניין הפעיל שגורה הסיומת ־ָה. כך למשל בבניין קל רגילים לומר ' יושבת ', ' סורקת ' אבל בספרות מוצאים ' יושבה ', ' סורקה ' כבשירו של ביאליק : " היא יושבה לחלון וסורקה שערה ". לעומת זאת בבניין הפעיל אומרים ' מרגישה ', אבל בספרות ההלכה יש ' מַרגשת '; בדרך כלל אומרים ' משיגה ' אבל ' אין ידו מַשגת '. הוא הדין לצורות בינונית משורשים המסתיימים באל " ף ( להבדיל משורשים שיו " ד בסופם ): בהפעיל – ' מקריאה ', ' ממציאה ', ובשאר הבניינים סיומת ־ת : ' קוראת ', ' מדכאת ', ' ממולאת ', ' מומצאת ', ' מתבטאת '. אבל כפי שמותר לומר ' יושבה ' במקום ' יושבת ', מותר לומר ' קוֹרְאָה ' במקום ' קוֹרֵאת ' ( בבניין קל ), ' מְקַנְּאָה ' במקום ' מְקַנֵּאת ' ( בבניין פיעל ) ושאר הצורות כיוצא בהן. Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a According to the Hebrew Language Academy The feminine suffix in the participle (present tense) can be either -Vt or -a 80

82. roʦét ‘want’ Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a 81

83. Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a 82 Two forms for almost every F M.S G., one with -a and one with -et

84. Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a 83 Two forms for almost every F M.S G., one with -a and one with -et Not only for V-final stems, but also for C- final stems

85. 84 סיומת הנקבה של צורות הבינוני ( ההווה ) יכולה להיות ־ת או ־ָה, אלא שלרוב בכל בניין מבנייני הפועל נעשתה סיומת אחת לסיומת השגורה, ואילו הסיומת האחרת או שאינה משמשת כלל או שמוצאים אותה רק בלשון ספרותית או בצירופים כבולים. ברוב הבניינים הסיומת השגורה היא ־ת, ואילו בבניין הפעיל שגורה הסיומת ־ָה. כך למשל בבניין קל רגילים לומר ' יושבת ', ' סורקת ' אבל בספרות מוצאים ' יושבה ', ' סורקה ' כבשירו של ביאליק : " היא יושבה לחלון וסורקה שערה ". לעומת זאת בבניין הפעיל אומרים ' מרגישה ', אבל בספרות ההלכה יש ' מַרגשת '; בדרך כלל אומרים ' משיגה ' אבל ' אין ידו מַשגת '. הוא הדין לצורות בינונית משורשים המסתיימים באל " ף ( להבדיל משורשים שיו " ד בסופם ): בהפעיל – ' מקריאה ', ' ממציאה ', ובשאר הבניינים סיומת ־ת : ' קוראת ', ' מדכאת ', ' ממולאת ', ' מומצאת ', ' מתבטאת '. אבל כפי שמותר לומר ' יושבה ' במקום ' יושבת ', מותר לומר ' קוֹרְאָה ' במקום ' קוֹרֵאת ' ( בבניין קל ), ' מְקַנְּאָה ' במקום ' מְקַנֵּאת ' ( בבניין פיעל ) ושאר הצורות כיוצא בהן. Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a According to the Hebrew Language Academy In most verb classes (binyanim) the common suffix is -Vt (this is our default)

86. 85 סיומת הנקבה של צורות הבינוני ( ההווה ) יכולה להיות ־ת או ־ָה, אלא שלרוב בכל בניין מבנייני הפועל נעשתה סיומת אחת לסיומת השגורה, ואילו הסיומת האחרת או שאינה משמשת כלל או שמוצאים אותה רק בלשון ספרותית או בצירופים כבולים. ברוב הבניינים הסיומת השגורה היא ־ת, ואילו בבניין הפעיל שגורה הסיומת ־ָה. כך למשל בבניין קל רגילים לומר ' יושבת ', ' סורקת ' אבל בספרות מוצאים ' יושבה ', ' סורקה ' כבשירו של ביאליק : " היא יושבה לחלון וסורקה שערה ". לעומת זאת בבניין הפעיל אומרים ' מרגישה ', אבל בספרות ההלכה יש ' מַרגשת '; בדרך כלל אומרים ' משיגה ' אבל ' אין ידו מַשגת '. הוא הדין לצורות בינונית משורשים המסתיימים באל " ף ( להבדיל משורשים שיו " ד בסופם ): בהפעיל – ' מקריאה ', ' ממציאה ', ובשאר הבניינים סיומת ־ת : ' קוראת ', ' מדכאת ', ' ממולאת ', ' מומצאת ', ' מתבטאת '. אבל כפי שמותר לומר ' יושבה ' במקום ' יושבת ', מותר לומר ' קוֹרְאָה ' במקום ' קוֹרֵאת ' ( בבניין קל ), ' מְקַנְּאָה ' במקום ' מְקַנֵּאת ' ( בבניין פיעל ) ושאר הצורות כיוצא בהן. Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a According to the Hebrew Language Academy In literary style one can use the other suffix, -a instead of -et and vice versa

87. 86 This is what our great poets used to do Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a הִיא יוֹשְׁבָה לַחַלּוֹן וְשׂוֹרְקָה שְׂעָרָהּ, בְּעֵינֵיכֶם הִיא פְרוּצָה וּבְעֵינַי הִיא בָרָה. Hayim Nahman Bialik jošvá – jošévet sorká – sorévet Miriam Yalan Shtekelis אך לפתע קמה נורית אבא אבא היא קוראה בוא מהר גרש החושך הוא מפריע ילד רע korʔá – korét

88. 87 This is what our great poets used to do Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a הִיא יוֹשְׁבָה לַחַלּוֹן וְשׂוֹרְקָה שְׂעָרָהּ, בְּעֵינֵיכֶם הִיא פְרוּצָה וּבְעֵינַי הִיא בָרָה. Hayim Nahman Bialik jošvá – jošévet sorká – sorévet Miriam Yalan Shtekelis אך לפתע קמה נורית אבא אבא היא קוראה בוא מהר גרש החושך הוא מפריע ילד רע korʔá – korét Not native speakers of Hebrew Immigrated to Israel - age 51 Immigrated to Israel - age 20

89. 88 Whether or not we are “allowed” to use both suffixes, our language knowledge assumes a system  Indeed, the system suffers from a certain degree of inconsistency when it comes to V-final stems  However, grammatical systems tend to fix themselves over time, and the interesting questions are: How does the system work now (I gave a partial answer, only with regard to C-final stems) In what way the system is going to fix itself (I need more experimental work here) Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

90. 89 Summary …  Two allomorphs for the F M.S G present tense  Both have some characteristics of the default allomorph, though -a has also characteristics of the specific allomorph  My claim Both are default – but in different domains: local default in the present tense and global default beyond the present tense Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

91. Thank you Betsy Ritter and Noam Faust for brain storming Thank you Daniel Asherov and Stav Klein for the experiment

92. 91

93. Why OT? Reason I  Rule-based approach F M.S G   -a {monosyllabic stems, etc.} F M.S G   -et  This analysis fails to reflect the observation that -a appears whenever -et is blocked, i.e. also -a behaves like a default  OT analysis reflects this observation, allowing -et to be the local default of F M.S G present tense, and -a to be the global default, to appear whenever the local default -et fails 92 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

94. Why OT? Reason II  Underspecification -et F M.S G Verb Present -a F M.S G Verb / -a F M.S G  This analysis fails to account for the following facts: 93 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

95. 94 Present tense verbs (participles) can also serve as nouns VerbNoun moré‘points at M S.S G ’‘teacher’ ʦolélet‘dives F M.S G ’‘submarine’ menahél‘manages M S.S G ’‘manager’ kam‘get up M S.S G ’‘enemy’ Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

96. -et and -a appear with other lexical categories -a Ms.Sg.Fm.Sg. Noun:jéledjaldá ‘boy-girl’ Verb:jaládjaldá ‘gave birth’ Adjective:xašúvxašuvá ‘important’ -et Ms.Sg.Fm.Sg. Noun:dajáldajélet ‘steward’ Verb:oléxoléxet ‘goes’ Adjective:mejutármejutéret ‘redundant’ 95 Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

97. -a-et mištár ‘regime’ mištará ‘police’ guf ‘body’ gufá ‘corpse’ medurá ‘bonfire’ kivún ‘direction’ kavaná ‘intent’ kavénet ‘(gun) sights’ sével ‘suffering’ sibólet ‘stamina’ mirpéset ‘balcony’ 96 -et and -a serve as derivational suffixes as well Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a  Both -a and -et are specified for two features only – Feminine and Singular  OT can handle the distribution of the feminine singular suffixes with co-phonologies

98. poná ‘turn’poné P RS.F M.S G *VV -et F M.S G -a F M.S G M AX ponéa*!*  poná *! * ponéet*!*  ponét** 97 koret ‘read’koré P RS.F M.S G *VV -et F M.S G -a F M.S G M AX koréa*!* korá *! * koréet*!*  korét**

99. 98 korét ‘read’koré P RS.F M.S G *VV M AX S tem M AX S uff -et-a-a korá *!*  korét** poná ‘turn’poné P RS.F M.S G *VV M AX S uff M AX S tem -et-a-a  poná * ponét*!*

100. koré-et  korét ‘read’suffix vowel e is deleted poné-a  poná‘turn’stem vowel e is deleted 99 Strength relation: stem > suffix Realize Morph: The feature bundle P RES.F M.S G has an exponent RealizeMorph >> MaxVStem > MaxVSuff korét ‘read’ koré-et-a M AX VSuffM AX VStm  korét** korá*!* kore-et pone-a

101. BinyanHistorically final B1šoméa–šomáat ‘hear’ šoxéax–šoxáxat ‘forget’ B2nišmá–nišmáat ‘is heard’ niftáx–niftáxat ‘is opened’ B3mašpía–mašpiá ‘influence’ mašbíax–mašbixá ‘improve’ B4mešagéa–mešagáat ‘madden’ mešabéax–mašabáxat B5mitparéa–mitparáat ‘go wild’ mitpatéax–mitpatáxat 78% (255/327 ) -a 22% (72/327 ) -(e)t Distribution – type* 100 Vowel final verbs – distribution of suffixes On default Hebrew verb inflectiona l suffixes Take I: default -et Take II: default -a Local & global default OT analysis Chaos: V-final verbs Final remarks *Tarmon, Asher and Ezri Uval. 1998. Hebrew Verb Tables. Jerusalem: Tamir Publisher.

102. 101 Further thoughts …  Since the same forms are used for both nouns/adjectives and verbs, there might be a reorganization in the system -a for nouns/adjectives -et for verbs  Partial results: the % of -a lowered with we added “now” or “this moment” to the sentences -a with “now/this moment” – 32% (18/56) áladin metaté axšav mitáxat lašatíax ‘Aladdin sweeps now under the rug’ -a without “now/this moment” – 27% (28/104) áladin metaté mitáxat lašatíax ‘Aladdin sweeps under the rug’  Further studies are required, also with reference to F M.S G in nouns and adjectives Introduction: On default Hebrew F M.S G suffixes in the verb paradigm Take I: default -et OT analysis Local & global default Chaos: V-final stems Final remarks Take II: default -a

103. Final nišmá–nišmáat ‘is heard’ nimʦá–nimʦét ‘is found’ nifná–nifnét ‘turn’ 24 9 102 Vowel final verbs – distribution of suffixes On default Hebrew verb inflectiona l suffixes Take I: default -et Take II: default -a Local & global default OT analysis Chaos: V-final verbs Final remarks *Tarmon, Asher and Ezri Uval. 1998. Hebrew Verb Tables. Jerusalem: Tamir Publisher.  M S.S G – CiCCá for all vowel final stems  M S.S G – unique for final

104. koré-et  korét ‘read’suffix vowel e – deleted poné-a  poná‘turn’stem vowel e – deleted 103 Strength relation: stem > suffix Realize Morph: The feature bundle P RES.F M.S G has an exponent RealizeMorph >> MaxVStem > MaxVSuff maxnisá ‘put in’ koré RM M ax VEdge -et-a  korét* korá*!* koré*!**

105. Selecting the optimal form poná ‘turns’ boléa M AX V2 *VV M AX [a] M AX [e]-et-a boléaet**! * boléaet*!*** boléat  boléaet** * *** boláetboleáet*** boléaa**!* boléaá*!*** boléaa*** boléáa*** 104

106. None of these restrictions is weird in Hebrew morphology M ID V-et The suffix -et is preceded by a mid vowel in an open syllable *At the core of Hebrew morphology stand the morphological classes (binyan/mishkal), which are defined in terms of prosodic structure (number of syllables and syllable structure), vocalic patterns, and affixes *Bat-El, O. 2002. Semitic verb structure within a universal perspective. Language Processing and Acquisition in Languages of Semitic, Root-based, Morphology. J. Shimron (ed.), Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 29-59. 105

107. Vowel final stems – …Ce] Stem 106 M S.S G F M.S G M S.S G F M.S G ponéponá ‘turns’ sonésonét ‘hate’ mexasémexasá ‘covers’ medakémedakét ‘depressing’ mitbalémitbalá ‘wears out’ mitnasémitnasét ‘stuck up’ 80% ( ה final) 20% ( א final) *Distribution in the dictionary *Tarmon, Asher and Ezri Uval. 1998. Hebrew Verb Tables. Jerusalem: Tamir Publisher.

108. Vowel final stems – …Céa] Stem 107 M S.S G F M.S G M S.S G F M.S G jodéajodáat ‘know’ sonésonét ‘hate’ mesajéamesajáat ‘help’ medakémedakét ‘depressing’ mitparéamitparáat ‘go wild’ mitnasémitnasét ‘stuck up’ ??% ( ע final) 20% ( א final) Distribution in the dictionary

109. 108 Default vs. basic Default of category vs. form Default and underspecification Nominative is the maximally unmarked case category in the language, with no restrictions on its occurrence. It is not assigned when the other cases fail to be assigned, rather it is the lack of assignment of other cases. *McFadden, Thomas. 2007. Default case and the status of compound categories in Distributed morphology. In Tatjana Scheffler, Joshua Tauberer, Aviad Eilam, and Laia Mayol (eds) Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 13(1): Proceedings of the 30th Annual Penn Linguistics Colloquium. 225-238.

110. 109 Default and related notions Default and underspecification *xxxx Default category is not specified for morphological features *Farkas, Donca. 1990. Two Cases of Underspecification in Morphology. Linguistic Inquiry 21:539-50.

111. 110 Is it a case of contrast neutralization*? Due to phonological restrictions on -et, the contrast between 3 rd F M.S F past and F M.S G present forms is neutralized. Why -a ‘3 rd F M.S F past ’ and not other feminine suffixes? E.g. -t ‘2nd F M.S F past ’, -i ‘2 rd F M.S F future’. *Arregi, Karlos and Andrew Nevins. 2012. Contextual neutralization and the elsewhere principle. Ms., University of Chicago and University College London

112. On the notion “default” The Elsewhere Condition (Kiparsky 1982) The more specific process applies before the more general default one, such that the specific blocks the default Common non-theoretical characteristics of the default morpheme more frequent used in loan words first to appear in children’s speech Theoretical characteristics of the default morpheme less specified less restricted contextually 111

113. 112 Outline of the talk Hebrew verb paradigms undergo inter-paradigm leveling  Hebrew verb paradigms – classes and sub-classes  Change-oriented variation – inter-paradigm leveling  Similarity  There are two types of directionality  Frequency  Concluding remarks Introduction Hebrew verb paradigms VariationDirectionality Conclusion SimilarityFrequency

114. Default X: In the absence of any information to the contrary, assume X *Booij, G. 1995. The Phonology of Dutch. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 113 Dutch Diminutive* Information to the contrary- specific 1-jəafter stem-final obstruents - specific 2- ət j ə after sonorant Cs preceded by a short stressed V No information to the contrary- default-tjə-tjə (subject to place assimilation)

115. BinyanTotal<ה><ה><א><א> <ע><ע> B171999-a18-et38-at B232825-et9 23-at B352743-a18-a36-a B486152-a12-et27-at B551543-a8-et22-at Total29502629%652%1465% 114 Vowel final verbs – distribution of suffixes Results: Nonce verbs -a-et-at B150% 20/40 20% 8/40 5% 2/40 B20% 0/40 65% 26/40 18% 7/40 B423% 9/40 38% 15/40 3% 1/40 B543% 17/40 35% 14/40 8% 3/40 29% 46/160 39% 63/160 8% 13/160

116. Default X: In the absence of any information to the contrary, assume X Dutch Diminutive Information to the contrary - specific 1-jəafter stem-final obstruents - specific 2- ət j ə after sonorant Cs preceded by a short stressed V No information to the contrary - default-tjə-tjə (subject to place assimilation) 115 Phonological information

117. 116 Default vs. basic* *Zwicky, M. Arnold. 1986. The general case: Basic form versus Default form. Proceedings of the 12 th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society. 305-314. Basic – a structural notion referring to the underlying representation; thus, basic is the default (e.g. Dutch) Default – an organizational notion referring to order of rule application - is not always basic non-phonologically conditioned allomorphy)

118. Question Which of these two suffixes is the default? Empirical focus The F M S G suffixes in Hebrew present tense (participle) – -et and -a Theoretical interest Expansion of the notion default – local and global default 117