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Principles and Parameters (I)
Rajat Kumar Mohanty Department of Computer Science and Engineering Indian Institute of Technology Bombay
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X-bar theory and non-lexical Categories
Outline X-bar theory and non-lexical Categories X-bar structure of S Spec-head Configuration VP-internal Subject Hypothesis Extended Projection Principle Small Clause X-bar structure of S` [+Q]-CP Principle Binary Branching and VP-shells
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Levels of Representation in Universal Grammar (UG)
Lexicon Theta roles X-bar rules Constrained by theta criterion D(eep)-Structure Move-alpha S(urface)-Structure Transformational rules LF (logical form) Constrained by EPP PF (phonetic form)
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Projection Principle Representations at each syntactic level (i.e., LF, DS and SS) are projected from the lexicon, in that they observe the subcategorisation properties of lexical items.
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X-bar Theory It tells us how words are combined to make phrases and sentences. It captures the commonality between different types of phrases, which PS-rules cannot.
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(Intermediate projection)
X-bar Projection XP (Maximal projection) X ` (Intermediate projection) YP X (Zero projection) ZP
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X-bar Projection XP (X-phrase) YP (Specifier) X ` X (Head) ZP
(Complement)
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X-bar Projection XP X ` YP (Specifier) X ` ZP (Adjunct) X (Head) ZP
(Complement)
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X-bar Projection NP N ` NP John’s N PP solution to the problem
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X-bar Projection NP N ` Det the N ` PP In the cabinet meeting N PP
discussion of the cricket match
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C(onstituent)-command
C-command is a structural relation among the terminal and non-terminal nodes in a syntactic tree c-commands iff: the first branching node dominating also dominates does not dominate A B E C D F G
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C-command NP Det N ` PP N ` P NP N PP P NP Det N ` N the of discussion
the cricket match the N meeting
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governs iff Government is a lexical head (or tensed I)
C-commands No barrier (VP, NP, PP, AP, or tensed IP) intervenes between and
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X-bar structure of S : IP
I(NFL(ECTION)) as the Head of S IP ( = S) Spec(ifier) I ` ( = Aux) I VP NP Tense : [+/- FINITE] Φ-features: [PNG, case] … ……
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Spec-Head Agreement A head (X) and its specifies (Spec-X) must agree in relevant features IP NP I ` Case: NOM PNG: 3sg I VP Case: NOM PNG: 3sg … ……
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VP-internal Subject Hypothesis
The external argument of a verb is generated within the VP. IP ( = S) Spec I ` … VP I Tense Φ-features … Spec V ` V NP NP … …
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John likes his teacher. IP Spec I ` VP I NP V ` [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP]
… V NP John like his teacher
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Extended Projection Principle
There must be a subject in a clause. Examples John likes his teacher *(There) is a unicorn in the garden
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John likes his teacher. IP NP I ` Johni VP I NP V ` [Tense] [AGR]
[+ EPP] … V NP ti like his teacher Movement rule
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There is a unicorn in the garden.
IP NP I ` There VP I Spec V ` [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] … Insertion rule V ` PP V NP in the garden be a unicorn
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John considers Bill to be incompetent
IP John considers Bill to be incompetent I ` NP I VP John [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] … NP V ` ti V IP consider NP I ` VP Bill I V ` NP To [+EPP] ti V AP be incompetent
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Small Clause John considers Bill to be incompetent
*John considers Bill to incompetent *John considers Bill be incompetent John considers Bill incompetent Small clause
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John considers Bill incompetent
IP John considers Bill incompetent I ` NP I VP John NP V ` [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] … ti V AP consider NP A ` N ` A N Bill incompetent
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X-bar structure of S-bar : CP
C(omp(lementizer)) as the Head of S` CP ( = S` ) C ` Spec C IP ( = S ) …… [+/- Q]
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I think that John should leave
IP I think that John should leave I ` NP I VP N ` NP V ` N + EPP … V CP I think Spec C ` ti IP C [-Q] John should leave that
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I want for John to leave IP I ` NP I VP N ` NP V ` N + EPP … V CP I
Spec C ` ti IP C [-Q] John to leave for
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I wonder if John has left
IP I wonder if John has left I ` NP I VP N ` NP V ` N + EPP … V CP I wonder Spec C ` ti IP C [-Q] John has left if
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Who did Mary see? CP C ` Spec [+Q]-CP Principle: C IP [+ Q]
A [+Q]-CP must have a specifier NP I ` NP did I VP … +EPP Aux Spec V ` whoj Maryi NPi NP V tj see
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Binary Branching and VP-shells
A node can dominate at most two branches John put the book *(on the shelf) John put *(the book) on the shelf Put: [V; _ NP PP] S V (NP) (PP)
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Head-to-head movement constraint
v P VP-Shell v ` spec v VP V ` NP light verb PP V put Head-to-head movement constraint V-raising
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v P v ` v IP John put the book on the shelf I ` NP N ` I N spec Tense
AGR +EPP … v John ti VP V ` put NP PP V the book on the shelf ti
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Summary Projection Principle: Lexical information (such as theta roles) is syntactically represented at all levels of representation X-bar Theory tells us how words are combined to make phrases and sentences. The head of S is I(NFL(LECTION) and the head of S` is Comp(lementizer) VP-internal Subject Hypothesis: The external argument of a verb is generated within the VP. Extended Projection Principle (EPP): A clause must have a subject [+Q]-CP Principle: A [+Q]-CP must have a specifier Transformational rules can be movement rules insertion rules Rules must be maximally constrained, otherwise they could produce anything (e.g., Head-to-head movement constraint, EPP, etc)
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Sources and further readings
Comsky, Noam Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. CUP, Cambridge. Comsky, Noam Lectures on Government and Binding. Foris, Dordrecht. Ouhalla, Jamal Introducing Transformational grammar. Arnold, London.
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THANK YOU
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