1. “Henry-setä miró y vio un pyörremyrsky”. Nonce Borrowing in Spanish-Finnish bilingual children. Judith Ansó Ros Spanish Department University of Turku judans@utu.fi

2. “Language contacts. Spanish-Finnish in two types of bilingual instruction” Language contact is the use of more than one language in the same place at the same time (Thomanson 2001:1 ) The change in some or all of the languages (at least one language exerts some influence on the other language). Types of influence: Interference Convergence Borrowing Calques

3. Other derivative phenomena Code switching or alternance of codes Code-mixing Substitution Election of language The most important manifestations of language contact in the bilingual discourse Borrowing Codeswitching

4. Bilingual discourse Anyone who uses two languages Full fluency in all of the traditional four skills (speaking, reading, writing and understanding) Grosjean (1982): ”Person who uses two languages regularly but is not fully fluent.” Who is bilingual? Bilingual scholars

5. Some theoretical approaches Bilingual behavior Mixed discourse is overwhelmingly constituted of lone elements of one language embedded in the syntax of another (Poplack and Meechan 1998:127) LOLI (lone other language item) Poplack (2012:644) Ambiguous / Unambiguous lone item. Mixed spontaneous discourse Written mixed production

6. Borrowing,Nonce Borrowing vs. Codeswitching Integration CS “ is the selection of bilinguals or multilinguals of forms from embedded variety in utterances of matrix variety during the same conversation.” (Myers-Scotton 1993:3) Borrowings are full integrated in the linguistic and social discourse of the recipient language (Poplack, Sankoff and Miller 1988:56). Helena Halmari (1997:17) manifests: “ I claim that the theory of code switching should be able to account for all occurrences of embedded language items within the matrix language, provide that they are not phonologically assimilated” Halmari (1997:18) says that nonce borrowings are morphologically and syntactically integrated lexical items, but not phonologically. About the item per se, Halmari (1997:18) Poplack (2001:3) and Sankoff, Poplack and Vanniarajan (1990:71) say that lone lexical items, usually, content words, that they assume the characteristics of the recipient language, nonce loans, unlike the CS does not imply lone words.

7. CS NB B Borrowing,Nonce Borrowing vs. Codeswitching Process Sankoff, Poplack and Vanniarajan (1990: 72) refer to two different processes. The CS requires access to the syntax of both languages. Instead the loan works are differently independent from the grammar of the donor language. Idea of continuum. Some authors see loans and CC as basically the same phenomenon (Lauttamus 1990, Treffers-Daller 1991,). Even Halmari (1997: 18) provides that the nonce loan at some point could be a conventional loan or CS. Romaine (1989: 114) expresses the same view. Even Lauttamus (1990:3) sees it as a continuous concept “Code switching- occasionally loan- loan.“ Poplack (1981:170) There is something continuum, CS in one extreem, and an adaptation of the pattern in the other. Myers-Scotton (1993:206) ” B forms enter the ML trough the process of CS” (CS->B) B

8. Borrowing vs. Nonce Borrowing Frequency “...those that occur only once in our corpus…” (Sankoff, Poplack y Vanniarajan 1990:50) ”NB (…) differs from established loan words in that they are not necessarily recurrent (Sankoff, Poplack and Vanniarajan 1990:71) Dolitsky (2000: 1401) defines nonce borrowing as a real borrowing, but it is only used once. Poplack (2012:644) says that the role of frequency is basic in the hypothesis of NB. “ Nonce ” is 1 occurrence made by 1 speaker vs. “ Widespread ” is over 10 occurrences by a total of over 10 speakers. Nonce borrowing is a Weinreich term (Weinreich 1953:11), and it was adopted by Poplack et al.

9. In the children’s context Meisel (1994) CS on a three year old French-German bilingual. Children mixed as a strategy of "comfort". Big scale are lone word Dolitsky (2000) CS in the monologues of a French-English bilingual child five years. Code alternation is showed in three ways: loans, nonce loans and CS. The child uses mostly nonce loans. Garcia (1980) CS in young children bilingual (Spanish-English) two to three years, but the interaction with their mothers. 95% are simple words and 76% are at the end or beginning of the sentence.

10. In the children’s context Jisa (2000) CS in a three and a two years old French-English children. The most part are lone items. Lanza (1992) Norwegian-English two-year-old child. Difficulties to differentiate CS and borrowing. Norwegian items are considered as a borrowings. Hásbun (2001) CS in 12-year-old children (Spanish-English). Multiple CS according to the conversation subject. Borrowings do not have a similar word in Spanish. Shin (2002) Korean- English scholars Noun loans The author evidences that the competence level is the cause of borrowing. The role of the “power” of the school.

11. PARTICIPANTS, DATA AND METHODS It was a longitudinal study. Data were collected December 2012-January 2013 and November-December 2014. Participants are students of Bilingual School of Käpylä (Helsinki) and of the courses of maintenance of the language (kotikieli opetus) of the Turku town. Codification system: 2014TK- 4.1 (2014, text, Käpylä, fourth curse, pupil 1) 2013OM-2.1 (2013, oral, Maintenance, second curse, pupil 1) Käpylä koulu

12. PARTICIPANTS, DATA AND METHODS

13. Teachers' interviews on the basis of pre-established forms. Sending questionnaires to investigate students' families. Written tests for students. The recorded conversations.

14. Analysis Total number of LOLI / % of the total of corpus Total lone words72 (0,47%) Unambiguous CS6 (0,03%) Unambiguous NB54 (0,35%) Ambiguous NB12 (0,07%) January 2013Nov-Dec 2014 Written testOral testWritten testOral test 2⁰2⁰ 3⁰3⁰ 4⁰4⁰ 2⁰2⁰ 3⁰3⁰ 4⁰4⁰ 4 ⁰a 4 ⁰b 5 ⁰a 5 ⁰b 6 ⁰a 6 ⁰b 4⁰4⁰ 5⁰5⁰ 6⁰6⁰ N451 181244 4 N+infl112 1 1 1 V V+infl1 11 1 adj1 1 1 1 adj+infl 1 Pro+infl1 Adv 1 1 English 11 1 N: noun, N+inf: inflected noun, V: verb, adj: adjective, adj+inf: adjective inflected, Pro: pronoun, Adv: adverb, a: test of the level 2013, b: current level test. Unambiguous NB 0,35%of words of total corpus Ambiguous NB 0,07% of words of total corpus 16,90% of LOLI

15. Analysis Nouns are the 75,75% of total LOLI, and the 0,33% of all corpus % of LOLI according morphological and grammatical category and per total number of lone item 20132014Total corpus N(t)77,77%75,55%75,75% V(t)9,52%11,11%7,57% adj(t)9,52%4,44%7,57% Others4,76%11,11%9,09% infl (N+V+...) 33,33%13,33%9,09% % of LOLI according morphological and grammatical category and per total number of words in the corpus 20132014Total corpus N(t)0,31%0,34%0,33% V(t)0,03% 0,033% adj(t)0,03% 0,033% Others0,019%0,050%0,039% infl (N+V+...) 0,13%0,06%0,039%

16. Analysis (unambiguous NB /CS) …como el nurmikko se mov-ia much-ísimo. COM ART césped-NOM.SG moverse-P.IM.3SG mucho-SUP ’…como el césped se movía muchísimo.’ ’As the grass moved a lot’ (2013 K.T- 3.3.) N2- Uno que tiene una bisicleta N1- ¡Oo vitsu! ¡Oi vitsu! y N2- Y un ¡crocodrilo! N1-¡Oi vitsu! y uno hase… algo en el patja, oi vitsi! ¡jolin! CON ART.INDF hacer-PRS.3SG …algo PREP ART.M.SG colchón-NOM.SG ¡jolin! ‘¡jolin y uno hace… algo en el colchón, ¡jolin!’ ‘ damn! and one does… something in the madrass, damn! (2013 OK-4.2)

17. Analysis (ambiguous) Lone Word + case Noun+ plural case3 (Jotku-t / hevossuoja-t/ käpälä-t) Noun+ inessive case2 (nosturi-ssa/ sylissä) Noun+ illative case2 (kellari-in /kellari-in) Verbs+ time case4 (löytä-ä/ löytä-ä/ heilutteli-i/ otti) Adj+ adessive case1 (korkealla) Ambiguous NB 12 cases

18. Plural inflection is susceptible to borrowing, when the borrowings in question are not yet established (Weinreich 1953:31) Analysis (ambiguous) Gritaba! y heiluttel-i la corona en sus käpälä-t. gritar-P.IM.3SG CON agitar-PAST.3SG ART corona PREP POS.PL garra- NOM.PL ‘Gritaba y agitaba la corona en sus garras.’ ‘ He screamed and shook the crown in his claws’ (2014M an T-4.8) Jotku-t son lleno-s. alguno- PL ser- PRS.3 PL lleno- PLU ‘Algunos están llenos.’ ‘Some are full.’ (2013M C-2.4) About plural : Sankoff, Poplack and Vannirajan (1990:80-81) Bynon (1978:227) Lehmann (1973:218) Weinreich 1953:31) Turpin (1998:231) Inflexioned verbs in F.

19. About inessive case and integration Analysis (ambiguous) I-ba a una casa en una antenna, nosturi-ssa. Ir-P.IM. 3SG PREP ART.INDF casa, PREP ART.INDF antena, grúa- IN.SG ‘Iba a una casa, a una antena, a una grúa…’ ‘ He went to a house, to an antenna, to a crane’ (2013 K.C- 2.4.) Tenia Toto en su syli-ssä. tener- P. IM.3 SG ø Toto PREP POS regazo- IN. SG ‘Tenía a Toto en su regazo’ ‘ He had Toto on his lap’ (2014 K.ac T-5.3) Turpin 1998 Muysken 1987

20. Analysis (ambiguous) About illative case and integration Turpin 1998 Muysken 1987 Dorothy vete al kellari-in! Dorothy ir-IMP.2SG PREP.ART sótano- ILL.SG ‘¡Dorothy vete al sótano!’ ’Dorothy go to the basement!’ (2013M T-4.1) Todos se escondieron al kellari-in. Todos esconderse-P.INDF.3PL PREP.ART sótano-ILL.SG ‘Todos se escondieron en el sótano.’ ‘Everybody hid in the basement’ (2013M T-4.2)

21. 16,66% of the texts have lone words 2013 Written- total 58 texts and 13 with LOLI Analysis (across to the grade) 2014 Written- Total 96 texts and 16 texts with LOLI 22,41% of the texts have lone words 0,38/text O,30/text 2013: 0,574 % of the words 2014: 0,349 % of the words

22. Kellari -10 occurrences by 9 persons Hirvi - 7/6 Analysis (same occurrence) Pyörremyrsky 5/5 0,38/text Pöllö 3/3 Kotka 2/2 Hevossuoja 2/2 Nosturi 2/2

23. Some conclusions Loan words are lone words,(LOLI) Poplack and et al. theory All are content words: nouns (77%), verbs… They are integrated by determiners (art. /pos.) or absence of the determiner, using also bare forms. Ambiguous lone words are related with the agglutinative language grammar. After the analysis, and taking in the ambiguous cases, case by case, almost all are NB, according to Poplack’s theory. In the scholars context, and more the written productions not is big amount, but significant, of borrowings (0,43% of words). ”Power of the school” (Hásbun 2000, Shin 2002) The need for loans: the grade of competence, related to the lack of a similar context. Pattern of bilingual instruction (Spanish-Finnish), about contact language phenomena, is mostly the insertion of a lone word, it’s a noun, in a bare form and integrated for a determiner.

24. Thank you for your attention

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26. References Myer-Scotton, Carol 1997, Dueling Languages. Grammatical Structures in Codeswitching, New York:Claredon Press Oxford. Poplack, Shana, 1980, “Sometimes I’ll start a sentence in Spanish y termino en español”: toward a typology of code-switching. Linguistics 18, 7/8. 581-618, en http://www.uottawa.ca/academic/arts/sociolinguistics/shanapoplack/francais/pubs/articles/Poplack1980a.pdf. Consultado el 12.11.2012. Poplack, S. 1981, Syntactic structure and social function of codeswitching, en R.Duran (ed) Latino Language and Comunicative Behavior, 169-84. Norwoood, N.J.: Ablex. Poplach, Shana, 1983, “Lenguas en contacto”, en H. López Morales (eds.), Introducción a la lingüística actual, Madrid, Playor, 183-205. Poplack, S. Sankoff, D. and Miller, C. 1988, “The social correlates and linguistic processes of lexical borrowing and assimilation”, Linguistic Journal, vol. 26 nro.1, 47-104. En http://www.sociolinguistics.uottawa.ca/shanapoplack/pubs/articles/PoplackSankoffMiller1988.pdf. Consultado el 1.12.2012. Poplack, Shana, Susan Wheeler y Anneli Westwood, 1989, “Distinguishing language contact phenomena: evidence from Finnish-English bilingualism”, en World Englishes, Vol 8, No. 3. Great Britain, Pergamon Press, 389-406. Poplack, Shana y Meechan Marjory, 1998, How Languages Fit Together in Codemixing, en The International Journal of Bilingualism vol.2, n.2, 127-138. Poplack, Shana, 2001, “Code-switching (linguistic)” En NJ Smelser, PB Baltes (Ed), en International Encyclopedia of the Social Behavioral Sciences. http://aix1.uottawa.ca/~sociolx/CS.pdf Poplack, S. 2012, “What does the Nonce Borrowing Hypothesis hypothesize?” Bilingualism: Language Cognition, v15 644-648. Sankoff, David, Shana Poplack y Swathi Vanniarajan, 1990, “The case of the nonce loan in Tamil”, en Language Variation and Change, 2, 71-101. Shin, Sarah, 2002, “Differentiating language contact phenomena: Evidence from Korean–English bilingual children”, en Applied Psycholinguistics 23, 337-360. Stammers, Jonathan R. y Margaret Deuchar, 2012, Testing de nonce borrowing hypothesis: Counter-evidence from English-origin verbs in Welsh, en Bilingualism Language and Cognition 15 (3), 630-645. Turpin, Danielle, 1998, ‘Le français, c’est le last frontier’: The Status of English-origin Nouns in Acadian French, en The International Journal of Bilingualism, vol 2, 221-233. Weinreich, Uriel (1963): Languages in contact: findings and problems, The Hague: Mouton & Co. Winford, Donald, 2003, An Introduction to contact linguistics, Oxford, Blakwell Publishing.