1. Borrowing: Spanish meets Guarani, Quechua & Otomi Dik Bakker Lancaster University

2. Constraints on Borrowing2 Between languages, anything may be borrowed (Thomason & Kaufmann 1988; Campbell 1989; Thomason 2001; …) BUT …

3. Constraints on Borrowing3 Between languages, anything may be borrowed (Thomason & Kaufmann 1988; Campbell 1989; Thomason 2001; …) BUT … Typological differences between source language and target language put quantitative (and qualitative?) constraints on what may be borrowed at any stage. (cf. Bakker, Hekking & Gómez 2008)

4. Constraints on Borrowing4 Contact + Change Target Language Source Language

5. Constraints on Borrowing5 Contact + Change Target Language Source Language English Many languages of the world

6. Constraints on Borrowing6 Contact + Change Target Language Source Language English - + Many languages of the world

7. Constraints on Borrowing7 Contact + Change Target Language Source Language English Minimum change (mainly words) - + Many languages of the world

8. Constraints on Borrowing8 Contact + Change Target Language Source Language Spanish Quichua (Ec) - +

9. Constraints on Borrowing9 Contact + Change Maximum change (relexification) Target Language Source Language Spanish - + Quichua (Ec)

10. Constraints on Borrowing10 Contact + Change Maximum change (relexification) Target Language Source Language Spanish - + Quichua (Ec)  ‘Media Lengua’

11. Constraints on Borrowing11 Contact + Change Minimum Maximum Target Language Source Language - +

12. Constraints on Borrowing12 Contact + Change Minimum Maximum Target Language Source Language MOTIVATION: Socio-linguistic situation - +

13. Constraints on Borrowing13 Contact + Change Minimum Maximum Target Language Source Language MOTIVATION: Socio-linguistic situation CONSTRAINTS: Typology of TL and SL - +

14. Constraints on Borrowing14 Contact + Change Minimum Maximum Target Language Source Language MOTIVATION: Socio-linguistic situation CONSTRAINTS: Typology of TL and SL - + Lexical borrowing Grammatical borrowing Structural adaptation

15. Constraints on Borrowing15 Overview

16. Constraints on Borrowing16 1. Method Overview

17. Constraints on Borrowing17 1. Method 2. Hypotheses Overview

18. Constraints on Borrowing18 1. Method 2. Hypotheses 3. Languages Overview

19. Constraints on Borrowing19 1. Method 2. Hypotheses 3. Languages 4. Data Overview

20. Constraints on Borrowing20 1. Method 2. Hypotheses 3. Languages 4. Data 5. Analysis Overview

21. Constraints on Borrowing21 1. Method 2. Hypotheses 3. Languages 4. Data 5. Analysisa. major parts of speech Overview

22. Constraints on Borrowing22 1. Method 2. Hypotheses 3. Languages 4. Data 5. Analysisa. major parts of speech b. grammatical elements Overview

23. Constraints on Borrowing23 1. Method 2. Hypotheses 3. Languages 4. Data 5. Analysis 6. Conclusion Overview

24. Constraints on Borrowing24 1. Method 2. Hypotheses 3. Languages 4. Data 5. Analysis 6. Conclusion Overview

25. 1. Method

26. Constraints on Borrowing26 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference

27. Constraints on Borrowing27 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference Immigrant languages (e.g. Urdu in England; Turkish in The Netherlands; Albanian (Arbëreshë) in Italy): Impoverished

28. Constraints on Borrowing28 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference -Target language is first/only language of informant

29. Constraints on Borrowing29 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference -Target language is first/only language -Target language is dominant in speech community of informant

30. Constraints on Borrowing30 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference -Target language is first/only language -Target language is dominant in community -Distribution of borrowings among informants

31. Constraints on Borrowing31 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference -Target language is first/only language -Target language is dominant in community -Distribution of borrowings among informants -Exclude code switches

32. Constraints on Borrowing32 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One Source Language

33. Constraints on Borrowing33 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One Source Language - Spanish only source language

34. Constraints on Borrowing34 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One source language 3. Variety among Target Languages

35. Constraints on Borrowing35 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One source language 3. Variety among Target Languages - Different genetic affiliation (=language family)

36. Constraints on Borrowing36 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One source language 3. Variety among Target Languages - Different genetic affiliation - Typological differences, e.g. Word Order, Adposition type, Morphological type etc.

37. Constraints on Borrowing37 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One source language 3. Typological variety among target languages 4. More than one dialect per Target Language

38. Constraints on Borrowing38 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One source language 3. Typological variety among target languages 4. More than one dialect per target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects optimally constant

39. Constraints on Borrowing39 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One source language 3. Typological variety among target languages 4. More than one dialect per target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects optimally constant - Latin America (?)

40. Constraints on Borrowing40 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One source language 3. Typological variety among target languages 4. More than one dialect per target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects optimally constant 6. Spoken data from a representative group

41. Constraints on Borrowing41 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference … 6. Spoken data from a representative group - Recordings of spontaneous speech

42. Constraints on Borrowing42 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference … 6. Spoken data from a representative group - Differentiation in: Age Education Gender Profession Mobility …

43. Constraints on Borrowing43 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference … 6. Spoken data from a representative group - Differentiation in: Age Education Gender > 32 ++ informants … Profession Mobility …

44. Constraints on Borrowing44 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One source language 3. Typological variety among target languages 4. More than one dialect per target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects optimally constant 6. Spoken data from a representative group 7. Look at diachronic stages

45. Constraints on Borrowing45 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference... 7. Look at diachronic stages - e.g. dictionaries and grammars written by missionaries

46. Constraints on Borrowing46 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One source language 3. Typological variety among target languages 4. More than one dialect per target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects optimally constant 6. Spoken data from a representative group 7. Look at diachronic stages 8. Hypotheses concerning borrowing

47. Constraints on Borrowing47 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference … 8. Hypotheses concerning borrowing - Universals from Language Typology (Greenberg; Moravcsik; but: Campbell 1989)

48. Constraints on Borrowing48 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference … 8. Hypotheses concerning borrowing - Universals from Language Typology (Greenberg; Moravcsik; but: Campbell 1989) - Borrowing scale (Thomason 2001)

49. Constraints on Borrowing49 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2. One source language 3. Typological variety among target languages 4. More than one dialect per target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects optimally constant 6. Spoken data from a representative group 7. Look at diachronic stages 8. Hypotheses concerning borrowing 9. Explanation: the role of theories

50. Constraints on Borrowing50 Method 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference … 9. Explanation: the role of theories - Parts of speech theory (Croft (1991); Hengeveld et al (2004))

51. 2. Hypotheses

52. Constraints on Borrowing52 General Hypotheses

53. Constraints on Borrowing53 General Hypotheses 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked ‘>’ : is borrowed easier than...

54. Constraints on Borrowing54 Specific Hypothesis 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 1.a Discourse marker > Case marker

55. Constraints on Borrowing55 Specific Hypothesis 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 1.a Discourse marker > Case marker ‘Pue, …’ ‘Pero …’

56. Constraints on Borrowing56 General Hypotheses 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 2. Open Class > Closed Class

57. Constraints on Borrowing57 Specific Hypothesis 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 2. Open Class > Closed Class 2.a N > V > A > Adv (~ Thomason’s scale)

58. Constraints on Borrowing58 General Hypotheses 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 2. Open Class > Closed Class 3. Lexical > Grammatical

59. Constraints on Borrowing59 Specific Hypothesis 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 2. Open Class > Closed Class 3. Lexical > Grammatical 3.a Noun > Preposition

60. Constraints on Borrowing60 Specific Hypothesis 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 2. Open Class > Closed Class 3. Lexical > Grammatical 3.a Noun > Preposition 3.b Prep > Aux > Article

61. Constraints on Borrowing61 General Hypotheses 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 2. Open Class > Closed Class 3. Lexical > Grammatical 4. Free > Bound

62. Constraints on Borrowing62 Specific Hypothesis 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 2. Open Class > Closed Class 3. Lexical > Grammatical 4. Free > Bound 4.a Adpos (Prep, Post) > Case suffix

63. Constraints on Borrowing63 General Hypotheses 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 2. Open Class > Closed Class 3. Lexical > Grammatical 4. Free > Bound 5. Borrowed with subcategorization

64. Constraints on Borrowing64 Specific Hypothesis 1. Pragmatically marked > unmarked 2. Open Class > Closed Class 3. Lexical > Grammatical 4. Free > Bound 5. Borrowed with subcategorization 5.a No Preposition in Postpositional language, No Postposition in Prepositional language

65. 3. The languages

66. Constraints on Borrowing66 Languages 1. Otomí

67. Constraints on Borrowing67 Languages 1. Otomí Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)

68. Constraints on Borrowing68

69. Constraints on Borrowing69 Languages 1. Otomí Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico) 9 dialects, 250.000 speakers

70. Constraints on Borrowing70 Languages 1. Otomí Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico) 9 dialects, 250.000 speakers SVO/flexible

71. Constraints on Borrowing71 Languages 1. Otomí Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico) 9 dialects, 250.000 speakers SVO/flexible No adpositions

72. Constraints on Borrowing72 Languages 1. Otomí Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico) 9 dialects, 250.000 speakers SVO/flexible No adpositions Definite article (no Indefinite)

73. Constraints on Borrowing73 Languages 1. Otomí Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico) 9 dialects, 250.000 speakers SVO/flexible No adpositions Definite article Rigid: only V | N, no A

74. Constraints on Borrowing74 Languages (1)d-arnduxte PRES.1-DEF.SGbad ‘I am bad’ (> I am the bad one = N )

75. Constraints on Borrowing75 Languages (1)d-arnduxte PRES.1-DEF.SGbad ‘I am bad’ (> I am the bad one = N ) (2)di dathi PRES.1ill ‘I am ill’ (> I am illing = V intrans )

76. Constraints on Borrowing76 Languages (1)d-arnduxte PRES.1-DEF.SGbad ‘I am bad’ (> I am the bad one = N ) (2)di dathi PRES.1ill ‘I am ill’ (> I am illing = V intrans ) (3)xi nts’ut’i-gi PERF.3 slim-1.OBJ ‘I am slim’ (> It has slimmed me = V trans )

77. Constraints on Borrowing77 Languages 2. Quechua

78. Constraints on Borrowing78 Languages 2. Quechua Andean

79. Constraints on Borrowing79

80. Constraints on Borrowing80 Languages 2. Quechua Andean (our variety from Ecuador)

81. Constraints on Borrowing81 Languages 2. Quechua Andean (Ecuador) 45 dialects/languages: 4.5 million Peru 2.5 million Bolivia 1.5 million Ecuador 65.000 Argentina+Chile

82. Constraints on Borrowing82 Languages 2. Quechua Andean (Ecuador) 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers SOV

83. Constraints on Borrowing83 Languages 2. Quechua Andean (Ecuador) 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers SOV Postpositional

84. Constraints on Borrowing84 Languages 2. Quechua Andean (Ecuador) 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers SOV Postpositional No articles

85. Constraints on Borrowing85 Languages 2. Quechua Andean (Ecuador) 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers SOV Postpositional No articles Flexible: V | N ~ A

86. Constraints on Borrowing86 Languages (4)rika-sha-ka:hatun-ta see-PAST-1SGbig-ACC ‘I saw the big one’ ( > = N )

87. Constraints on Borrowing87 Languages (4)rika-sha-ka:hatun-ta see-PAST-1SGbig-ACC ‘I saw the big one’ ( > = N ) (5)chayhatunruna DEMbigman ‘that big man’ ( > = A )

88. Constraints on Borrowing88 Languages 3. Guaraní

89. Constraints on Borrowing89 Languages 3. Guaraní Tupi (Paraguay; Arg, Bol, Bras)

90. Constraints on Borrowing90

91. Constraints on Borrowing91 Languages 3. Guaraní Tupi (Paraguay: official language! )

92. Constraints on Borrowing92 Languages 3. Guaraní Tupi (Paraguay) Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers

93. Constraints on Borrowing93 Languages 3. Guaraní Tupi (Paraguay) Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers SVO

94. Constraints on Borrowing94 Languages 3. Guaraní Tupi (Paraguay) Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers SVO Postpositional

95. Constraints on Borrowing95 Languages 3. Guaraní Tupi (Paraguay) Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers SVO Postpositional No articles

96. Constraints on Borrowing96 Languages 3. Guaraní Tupi (Paraguay) Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers SVO Postpositional No articles Flexible: V | N ~ A

97. Constraints on Borrowing97 Languages (6)che-vy’á ne-recha-rehe 1SG.POSS-happy2.ACC-see-of ‘I am happy to see you’ (> my happiness of seeing you; > = N )

98. Constraints on Borrowing98 Languages (6)che-vy’á ne-recha-rehe 1SG.POSS-happy2.ACC-see-of ‘I am happy to see you’ (> my happiness of seeing you; > = N ) (7)a-vy’á ne-recha-vo 1SG-happy2.ACC-see-when ‘I am happy to see you’ ( > happy me when I see you; > = A )

99. Constraints on Borrowing99 Languages Source: Spanish

100. Constraints on Borrowing100 Languages Source: Spanish Indo-European (Spain; Latin America; USA; …)

101. Constraints on Borrowing101

102. Constraints on Borrowing102 1492: ‘discovery’

103. Constraints on Borrowing103 1492: ‘discovery’ 1500 – 1600: Conquest

104. Constraints on Borrowing104 1492: ‘discovery’ 1500 – 1600: Conquest 1600 – 1800: Colonization

105. Constraints on Borrowing105 1492: ‘discovery’ 1500 – 1600: Conquest 1600 – 1800: Colonization 1820: Independence Official language

106. Constraints on Borrowing106 Languages Source: Spanish Indo-European (Spain; LatAm; USA; etc) Many dialects, > 260.000.000 speakers

107. Constraints on Borrowing107 Languages Source: Spanish Indo-European (Spain; LatAm; USA; etc) Many dialects, > 260.000.000 speakers SVO

108. Constraints on Borrowing108 Languages Source: Spanish Indo-European (Spain; LatAm; USA; etc) Many dialects, > 260.000.000 speakers SVO Prepositional

109. Constraints on Borrowing109 Languages Source: Spanish Indo-European (Spain; LatAm; USA; etc) Many dialects, > 260.000.000 speakers SVO Prepositional Def and Indef articles

110. Constraints on Borrowing110 Languages Source: Spanish Indo-European (Spain; LatAm; USA; etc) Many dialects, > 260.000.000 speakers SVO Prepositional Def and Indef articles Complex verbal morphology / pro drop

111. Constraints on Borrowing111 Languages andarto walk ando I walk andasyou walk andahe walks andamoswe walk andabaI was walking andé I walked andemay I walk andieraI might walk estoy andandoI am walking he andadoI have walked

112. Constraints on Borrowing112 Languages andarto walk ando I walk andasyou walk andahe walks andamoswe walk andabaI was walking andé I walked andemay I walk andieraI might walk estoy andandoI am walking he andadoI have walked

113. Constraints on Borrowing113 Languages Source: Spanish Indo-European (Spain; LatAm; USA; etc) Many dialects, > 260.000.000 speakers SVO Prepositional Def and Indef articles Complex verbal morphology Specialized: V | N | A

114. Constraints on Borrowing114 Languages ParameterSPANISH Word OrderSVO AdpositionPrep ArticlesDef N Indef N Part of SpeechV / N / A

115. Constraints on Borrowing115 Languages ParameterSPANISHOTOMI Word OrderSVOSVO/free AdpositionPrep- ArticlesDef N Indef N Def N - Part of SpeechV / N / AV / N

116. Constraints on Borrowing116 Languages ParameterSPANISHOTOMIGUARANI Word OrderSVOSVO/freeSVO AdpositionPrep-Post ArticlesDef N Indef N Def N - - Part of SpeechV / N / AV / NV / N+A

117. Constraints on Borrowing117 Languages ParameterSPANISHOTOMIGUARANIQUECHUA Word OrderSVOSVO/freeSVOSOV AdpositionPrep-Post ArticlesDef N Indef N Def N - -- Part of SpeechV / N / AV / NV / N+A

118. 4. Data

119. Constraints on Borrowing119 Data collected Respondents: Dialects: Tokens:

120. Constraints on Borrowing120 Data collected Otomí Respondents:59 Dialects:2 Tokens:110,540

121. Constraints on Borrowing121 Data collected OtomíQuechua Respondents:5938 Dialects:22 Tokens:110,54079,718

122. Constraints on Borrowing122 Data collected OtomíQuechuaGuaraní Respondents:5938 38 Dialects:22 2 Tokens:110,54079,718 57,828

123. Constraints on Borrowing123 Data collected OtomíQuechuaGuaraní Respondents:5938 38 Dialects:22 2 Tokens:110,54079,718 57,828

124. Constraints on Borrowing124 Entrevista corregida (marzo 2004) Entrevistada: Juana Juárez Pérez (44) … Entrevistador: Oswaldo Chaparro - Ar bätsi kät’ar txuku, ar txuku kät’ar sapo o jar xito ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ar sapo bí boxu jar xito. -Ner bätsi bí ‘ñähä... ähwar txuku ne ‘bonduwa ya thiza ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ner bätsi ya bí nangi kor txuku ne ‘bonduwar xayu ne ‘butuwar xito ne bí boxár sapo ne ‘bonduwa ya bota. -Ar... ar bätsi hongar sapo... k’ät... ya ‘bunu ár bota ner txuku bí fot’ár ñä jar xito... ne ar bätsi ya bí nangi... ya bí nangi... ne nör txuku xi fotár ñä jar xito. - El... el niño está viendo (-) el perro, el perro está viendo (-) el... el sapo, su camisa está tirado en el suelo. -El... el niño está dormido con su perro y su camisa está tirado ahí. El sapo ya salió (-) la botella. -El niño ya se despiertó con su perro. Y el... su camisa está tirado ahí. -El niño está buscando (-) su... su sapo. El perro se metió la cabeza en la botella. -El perro se metió su cabeza en el... la botella y el niño está gritando. -El... el... el perro se cayó. El niño está somando la ventana. Example data structure

125. Constraints on Borrowing125 Entrevista corregida (marzo 2004) Entrevistada: Juana Juárez Pérez (44) … Entrevistador: Oswaldo Chaparro - Ar bätsi kät’ar txuku, ar txuku kät’ar sapo o jar xito ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ar sapo bí boxu jar xito. -Ner bätsi bí ‘ñähä... ähwar txuku ne ‘bonduwa ya thiza ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ner bätsi ya bí nangi kor txuku ne ‘bonduwar xayu ne ‘butuwar xito ne bí boxár sapo ne ‘bonduwa ya bota. -Ar... ar bätsi hongar sapo... k’ät... ya ‘bunu ár bota ner txuku bí fot’ár ñä jar xito... ne ar bätsi ya bí nangi... ya bí nangi... ne nör txuku xi fotár ñä jar xito. - El... el niño está viendo (-) el perro, el perro está viendo (-) el... el sapo, su camisa está tirado en el suelo. -El... el niño está dormido con su perro y su camisa está tirado ahí. El sapo ya salió (-) la botella. -El niño ya se despiertó con su perro. Y el... su camisa está tirado ahí. -El niño está buscando (-) su... su sapo. El perro se metió la cabeza en la botella. -El perro se metió su cabeza en el... la botella y el niño está gritando. -El... el... el perro se cayó. El niño está somando la ventana. Example data structure

126. Constraints on Borrowing126 Entrevista corregida (marzo 2004) Entrevistada: Juana Juárez Pérez (44) … Entrevistador: Oswaldo Chaparro - Ar bätsi kät’ar txuku, ar txuku kät’ar sapo o jar xito ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ar sapo bí boxu jar xito. -Ner bätsi bí ‘ñähä... ähwar txuku ne ‘bonduwa ya thiza ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ner bätsi ya bí nangi kor txuku ne ‘bonduwar xayu ne ‘butuwar xito ne bí boxár sapo ne ‘bonduwa ya bota. -Ar... ar bätsi hongar sapo... k’ät... ya ‘bunu ár bota ner txuku bí fot’ár ñä jar xito... ne ar bätsi ya bí nangi... ya bí nangi... ne nör txuku xi fotár ñä jar xito. - El... el niño está viendo (-) el perro, el perro está viendo (-) el... el sapo, su camisa está tirado en el suelo. -El... el niño está dormido con su perro y su camisa está tirado ahí. El sapo ya salió (-) la botella. -El niño ya se despiertó con su perro. Y el... su camisa está tirado ahí. -El niño está buscando (-) su... su sapo. El perro se metió la cabeza en la botella. -El perro se metió su cabeza en el... la botella y el niño está gritando. -El... el... el perro se cayó. El niño está somando la ventana. Example data structure

127. Constraints on Borrowing127 Entrevista corregida (marzo 2004) Entrevistada: Juana Juárez Pérez (44) … Entrevistador: Oswaldo Chaparro - Ar bätsi kät’ar txuku, ar txuku kät’ar sapo o jar xito ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ar sapo bí boxu jar xito. -Ner bätsi bí ‘ñähä... ähwar txuku ne ‘bonduwa ya thiza ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ner bätsi ya bí nangi kor txuku ne ‘bonduwar xayu ne ‘butuwar xito ne bí boxár sapo ne ‘bonduwa ya bota. -Ar... ar bätsi hongar sapo... k’ät... ya ‘bunu ár bota ner txuku bí fot’ár ñä jar xito... ne ar bätsi ya bí nangi... ya bí nangi... ne nör txuku xi fotár ñä jar xito. - El... el niño está viendo (-) el perro, el perro está viendo (-) el... el sapo, su camisa está tirado en el suelo. -El... el niño está dormido con su perro y su camisa está tirado ahí. El sapo ya salió (-) la botella. -El niño ya se despiertó con su perro. Y el... su camisa está tirado ahí. -El niño está buscando (-) su... su sapo. El perro se metió la cabeza en la botella. -El perro se metió su cabeza en el... la botella y el niño está gritando. -El... el... el perro se cayó. El niño está somando la ventana. Example data structure

128. Constraints on Borrowing128 Entrevista corregida (marzo 2004) Entrevistada: Juana Juárez Pérez (44) … Entrevistador: Oswaldo Chaparro - Ar bätsi kät’ar txuku, ar txuku kät’ar sapo o jar xito ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ar sapo bí boxu jar xito. -Ner bätsi bí ‘ñähä... ähwar txuku ne ‘bonduwa ya thiza ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ner bätsi ya bí nangi kor txuku ne ‘bonduwar xayu ne ‘butuwar xito ne bí boxár sapo ne ‘bonduwa ya bota. -Ar... ar bätsi hongar sapo... k’ät... ya ‘bunu ár bota ner txuku bí fot’ár ñä jar xito... ne ar bätsi ya bí nangi... ya bí nangi... ne nör txuku xi fotár ñä jar xito. - El... el niño está viendo (-) el perro, el perro está viendo (-) el... el sapo, su camisa está tirado en el suelo. -El... el niño está dormido con su perro y su camisa está tirado ahí. El sapo ya salió (-) la botella. -El niño ya se despiertó con su perro. Y el... su camisa está tirado ahí. -El niño está buscando (-) su... su sapo. El perro se metió la cabeza en la botella. -El perro se metió su cabeza en el... la botella y el niño está gritando. -El... el... el perro se cayó. El niño está somando la ventana. Example data structure

129. Constraints on Borrowing129 Data collected Spanish collected to assess:

130. Constraints on Borrowing130 Data collected Spanish collected to assess: 1. Level of bilingualism (individual; group)

131. Constraints on Borrowing131 Data collected Spanish collected to assess: 1.Level of bilingualism 2. Influence of Target language on Source language

132. Constraints on Borrowing132 Data collected Spanish collected to assess: 1. Level of bilingualism 2. Influence of Target language on Source language

133. Constraints on Borrowing133 Data collected Spanish collected to assess: 1. Level of bilingualism 2. Influence of target language on source language 3. Study the local variety of Source language

134. Constraints on Borrowing134 Entrevista corregida (marzo 2004) Entrevistada: Juana Juárez Pérez (44) … Entrevistador: Oswaldo Chaparro - Ar bätsi kät’ar txuku, ar txuku kät’ar sapo o jar xito ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ar sapo bí boxu jar xito. -Ner bätsi bí ‘ñähä... ähwar txuku ne ‘bonduwa ya thiza ne ‘bonduwar xayu. -Ner bätsi ya bí nangi kor txuku ne ‘bonduwar xayu ne ‘butuwar xito ne bí boxár sapo ne ‘bonduwa ya bota. -Ar... ar bätsi hongar sapo... k’ät... ya ‘bunu ár bota ner txuku bí fot’ár ñä jar xito... ne ar bätsi ya bí nangi... ya bí nangi... ne nör txuku xi fotár ñä jar xito. - Example data structure

135. Constraints on Borrowing135 Digitalized data structure Informant: Simon Eleuterio Lucio (SEL) Target: Otomí Source: Spanish Ne nör 'yo mi hongu ja ya... ja /kolmenäN-HR/. Bí kaku jar... jar ñö /kongPR/ar... /kongPR/ar 'yo. yo mi... mi hongu jar /fraskoN-HR/.

136. Constraints on Borrowing136 Digitalized data structure Informant: Simon Eleuterio Lucio (SEL) Target: Otomí Source: Spanish Ne nör 'yo mi hongu ja ya... ja /kolmenäN-HR/. Bí kaku jar... jar ñö /kongPR/ar... /kongPR/ar 'yo. yo mi... mi hongu jar /fraskoN-HR/.

137. Constraints on Borrowing137 Digitalized data structure Informant: Simon Eleuterio Lucio (SEL) Target: Otomí Source: Spanish Ne nör 'yo mi hongu ja ya... ja /kolmenäN-HR/. Bí kaku jar... jar ñö /kongPR/ar... /kongPR/ar 'yo. yo mi... mi hongu jar /fraskoN-HR/. Part of Speech Spanish

138. Constraints on Borrowing138 Digitalized data structure Informant: Simon Eleuterio Lucio (SEL) Target: Otomí Source: Spanish Ne nör 'yo mi hongu ja ya... ja /kolmenäN-HR/. Bí kaku jar... jar ñö /kongPR/ar... /kongPR/ar 'yo. yo mi... mi hongu jar /fraskoN-HR/. Part of Speech Spanish Function Otomi

139. 5. Analysis

140. Constraints on Borrowing140 Borrowings: overall (tokens) QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean18.9%17.4%14.1% SD8.926.423.97

141. Constraints on Borrowing141 Borrowings: overall (tokens) QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean 18.9% 17.4%14.1% SD8.926.423.97

142. Constraints on Borrowing142 Borrowings: overall (tokens) QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean 18.9%17.4% 14.1% SD8.926.423.97

143. Constraints on Borrowing143 Borrowings: overall (tokens) QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean 18.9%17.4%14.1% SD8.926.423.97

144. Constraints on Borrowing144 Borrowings: overall (tokens) QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean 18.9%17.4%14.1% SD8.926.423.97 Significant at 0.5%

145. Constraints on Borrowing145 Borrowing Process Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí

146. Constraints on Borrowing146 Borrowing Process Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí In line with: -relative length of contact history

147. Constraints on Borrowing147 Borrowing Process Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí In line with: -relative length of contact history -sociolinguistic situation

148. Constraints on Borrowing148 Borrowing Process Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí In line with: -relative length of contact history -sociolinguistic situation -amount of bilingualism

149. a. Major parts of speech

150. Constraints on Borrowing150 Borrowings: major PoS QuechuaGuaraníOtomí N 54.4%37.2%40.7% V 17.7%18.3%4.8% A 8.5%7.4%1.9% Total80.6%62.7%47.4% Absolute Percentages (Tokens) Que > Gua > Oto

151. Constraints on Borrowing151 Borrowings: major PoS QuechuaGuaraníOtomí N54.4%37.2% 40.7% V17.7%18.3%4.8% A8.5%7.4%1.9% Total80.6%62.7%47.4% Absolute Percentages > Que > Gua > Oto

152. Constraints on Borrowing152 Borrowings: major PoS QuechuaGuaraníOtomí N54.4%37.2% 40.7% V17.7%18.3% 4.8% A8.5%7.4% 1.9% > ~ ~ Absolute Percentages Que > Gua > Oto

153. Constraints on Borrowing153 Borrowings: major PoS QuechuaGuaraníOtomí N 54.4% 37.2%40.7% V17.7%18.3%4.8% A8.5%7.4%1.9% ~ Absolute Percentages Que > Gua > Oto

154. Constraints on Borrowing154 Borrowings: major PoS QuechuaGuaraníOtomí N 54.4% 37.2%40.7% V17.7%18.3%4.8% A8.5%7.4% > ~ Absolute Percentages 1.9% > Que > Gua > Oto

155. Constraints on Borrowing155 Borrowing Scenario (1 st attempt)

156. Constraints on Borrowing156 Borrowing Scenario (1 st attempt) Stage n (Oto): mainly N (open ++), few V/A

157. Constraints on Borrowing157 Borrowing Scenario (1 st attempt) Stage n (Oto): mainly N (open ++), few V/A Stage n+1 (Gua): more V & A (open +)

158. Constraints on Borrowing158 Borrowing Scenario (1 st attempt) Stage n (Oto): mainly N (open ++), few V/A Stage n+1 (Gua): more V & A (open +) Stage n+2 (Que): more N (open ++)

159. Constraints on Borrowing159 Specific Hypothesis... 2. Open Class > Closed Class 2.a N > V > A

160. Constraints on Borrowing160 Borrowings: major PoS QuechuaGuaraníOtomí N 54.4%37.2%40.7% V17.7% 18.3%4.8% A8.5% 7.4% > ~ Absolute Percentages 1.9% > < ~ ~

161. Constraints on Borrowing161 Borrowings: major PoS QuechuaGuaraníOtomí N 54.4%37.2%40.7% V 17.7% 18.3%4.8% A 8.5% 7.4% > ~ Absolute Percentages 1.9% > Semantic Competition: V A N BUT: < ~ ~

162. Constraints on Borrowing162 Borrowings: major PoS Absolute Percentages Relative Percentages QuechuaGuaraníOtomí N 54.4%37.2%40.7% V 17.7% 18.3%4.8% A 8.5% 7.4% < > > 1.9% ~ ~ ~

163. Constraints on Borrowing163 Borrowings: major PoS PoSQUEGUAOTO N54%37%41% V18% 5% A9%7%2% TOT81%62%47% Absolute

164. Constraints on Borrowing164 Borrowings: major PoS PoSQUEGUAOTOQUEGUAOTO N54%37%41%68%59%86% V18% 5%22%29%10% A9%7%2%11%12%4% TOT81%62%47%100% AbsoluteRelative

165. Constraints on Borrowing165 Borrowings: major PoS PoSQUEGUAOTOQUEGUAOTO N54%37% 41% 68%59% 86% V 18% 5%22%29%10% A 9%7%2%11%12%4% TOT 81%62%47%100% AbsoluteRelative > > =

166. Constraints on Borrowing166 Borrowings: major PoS PoSQUEGUAOTOQUEGUAOTO N 54% 37%41%68%59%86% V 18% 5%22%29%10% A 9%7%2%11%12%4% TOT 81%62%47%100% AbsoluteRelative < ~ #

167. Constraints on Borrowing167 Borrowings: major PoS PoSQUEGUAOTOQUEGUAOTO N 54%37%41%68%59%86% V18% 5% 22%29% 10% A 9%7%2%11%12%4% TOT 81%62%47%100% AbsoluteRelative <~ #

168. Constraints on Borrowing168 Borrowings: major PoS PoSQUEGUAOTOQUEGUAOTO N 54%37%41%68%59%86% V18% 5%22%29%10% A9%7%2%11%12%4% TOT 81%62%47%100% AbsoluteRelative > > > > =

169. Constraints on Borrowing169 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí:

170. Constraints on Borrowing170 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns:

171. Constraints on Borrowing171 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential ( ~ objects > concrete )

172. Constraints on Borrowing172 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent: easy access

173. Constraints on Borrowing173 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first of V/N/A borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua}

174. Constraints on Borrowing174 Borrowings: major PoS PoSQUEGUAOTOQUEGUAOTO N 54% 37%41%68%59%86% V 18% 5%22%29%10% A 9%7%2%11%12%4% TOT 81%62%47%100% AbsoluteRelative < ~ #

175. Constraints on Borrowing175 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first category borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua} - borrowing never stops {Que > Gua}

176. Constraints on Borrowing176 Borrowings: major PoS PoSQUEGUAOTOQUEGUAOTO N54%37% 41% 68%59% 86% V 18% 5%22%29%10% A 9%7%2%11%12%4% TOT 81%62%47%100% AbsoluteRelative > > =

177. Constraints on Borrowing177 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first category borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua} - borrowing never stops {Que > Gua} Borrowing of Verbs:

178. Constraints on Borrowing178 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first category borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua} - borrowing never stops {Que > Gua} Borrowing of Verbs: - sem / synt / morph complex (Spanish!): less accessible

179. Constraints on Borrowing179 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first category borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua} - borrowing never stops {Que > Gua} Borrowing of Verbs: - sem / synt / morph complex - easier when in same syntactic position {Gua (SVO=Spa) > Que (SOV#Spa)}

180. Constraints on Borrowing180 Borrowings: major PoS PoSQUEGUAOTOQUEGUAOTO N 54%37%41%68%59%86% V18% 5% 22%29% 10% A 9%7%2%11%12%4% TOT 81%62%47%100% AbsoluteRelative <~ #

181. Constraints on Borrowing181 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first category borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua} - borrowing never stops {Que > Gua} Borrowing of Verbs: - sem / synt / morph complex - easier when in same syntactic position {Gua > Que} Borrowing of Adjectives:

182. Constraints on Borrowing182 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first category borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua} - borrowing never stops {Que > Gua} Borrowing of Verbs: - sem / synt / morph complex - easier when in same syntactic position {Gua > Que} Borrowing of Adjectives: - optional, unlike V/N: lower frequency

183. Constraints on Borrowing183 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first category borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua} - borrowing never stops {Que > Gua} Borrowing of Verbs: - sem / synt / morph complex - easier when in same syntactic position {Gua > Que} Borrowing of Adjectives: - optional, unlike V/N - depends on PoS type:

184. Constraints on Borrowing184 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first category borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua} - borrowing never stops {Que > Gua} Borrowing of Verbs: - sem / synt / morph complex - easier when in same syntactic position {Gua > Que} Borrowing of Adjectives: - optional, unlike V/N - Que,Gua: flexible (V | N ~ Adj)

185. Constraints on Borrowing185 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first category borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua} - borrowing never stops {Que > Gua} Borrowing of Verbs: - sem / synt / morph complex - easier when in same syntactic position {Gua > Que} Borrowing of Adjectives: - optional, unlike V/N - Que,Gua: flexible (V | N ~ Adj) Oto: rigid ( V | N, no Adj)

186. Constraints on Borrowing186 Borrowing Scenario (2 nd attempt) Quechua > Guaraní > Otomí: Borrowing of Nouns: - referential - syntactically relatively independent - first category borrowed: most open {Oto >> Que,Gua} - borrowing never stops {Que > Gua} Borrowing of Verbs: - sem / synt / morph complex - easier when in same syntactic position {Gua > Que} Borrowing of Adjectives: - optional, unlike V/N - Que,Gua: flexible (V | N ~ Adj) Oto: rigid ( V | N, no Adj) {Que,Gua >> Oto}

187. Constraints on Borrowing187 Borrowings: major PoS PoSQUEGUAOTOQUEGUAOTO N 54%37%41%68%59%86% V18% 5%22%29%10% A9% 7% > 2%11%12%4% TOT 81%62%47%100% AbsoluteRelative > >> =

188. Constraints on Borrowing188 Borrowings: major PoS Scenario I (length of contact) Better Explanation Scenario II (typological differences) +

189. Case study: ADJ in Otomi Constraints on Borrowing189 234

190. Case study: ADJ in Otomi Constraints on Borrowing190 Is Otomí creating a new lexical class for the modification of noun phrases as a result of its contact with Spanish?

191. Constraints on Borrowing191 Otomi nominal modification Very restricted set of pure adjectives:

192. Constraints on Borrowing192 Otomi nominal modification Very restricted set of pure adjectives: t’olo, t’uku ‘small’ hogi ‘good’ ‘bente ‘poor, unfortunate’ ‘bet’o ‘older’

193. Constraints on Borrowing193 Otomi nominal modification (1)d-arnduxte PRES.1-DET.SGbad ‘I am bad’ (> I am the bad one = N )

194. Constraints on Borrowing194 Otomi nominal modification (1)d-arnduxte PRES.1-DET.SGbad ‘I am bad’ (> I am the bad one = N ) (2)di dathi PRES.1ill ‘I am ill’ (> I am illing = V intrans )

195. Constraints on Borrowing195 Otomi nominal modification (1)d-arnduxte PRES.1-DET.SGbad ‘I am bad’ (> I am the bad one = N ) (2)di dathi PRES.1ill ‘I am ill’ (> I am illing = V intrans ) (3)xi nts’ut’i-gi PERF.3 slim-1.OBJ ‘I am slim’ (> It has slimmed me = V trans )

196. Constraints on Borrowing196 Otomi nominal modification Experiment: Dictionary of synonyms (Buck 1987): 750 Spanish adjective + noun  Otomi

197. Constraints on Borrowing197 Otomi nominal modification Experiment: Dictionary of synonyms (Buck 1987): 750 Spanish adjective + noun  Otomi la mujer sorda ‘the deaf woman’ la vaca enferma ‘the sick cow’ el agua profunda ‘the deep water’

198. Constraints on Borrowing198 Otomi nominal modification Experiment: Dictionary of synonyms (Buck 1987): 750 Spanish adjective + noun  Otomi la mujer sorda  ar gogu ‘behñä ‘the deaf woman’ la vaca enferma  ar dathi baga ‘the sick cow’ el agua profunda  ar hñei dehe ‘the deep water’

199. Constraints on Borrowing199 Otomi nominal modification

200. Constraints on Borrowing200 Otomi nominal modification

201. Constraints on Borrowing201 Otomi nominal modification 44.6% A+N in Spanish

202. Constraints on Borrowing202 Otomi nominal modification

203. Constraints on Borrowing203 Otomi nominal modification

204. Constraints on Borrowing204 Otomi nominal modification

205. Constraints on Borrowing205 Otomi nominal modification

206. Constraints on Borrowing206 Otomi nominal modification 40.0% V-PastPart in Spanish

207. Constraints on Borrowing207 Otomi nominal modification

208. Constraints on Borrowing208 Otomi nominal modification In corpus:

209. Constraints on Borrowing209 Otomi nominal modification In corpus: 1. Loss of formal aspects of N/Vi/Vt modifiers

210. Constraints on Borrowing210 Otomi nominal modification In corpus: 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers 2. Specific syntactic operations on modifiers

211. Constraints on Borrowing211 Otomi nominal modification In corpus: 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers 2. Specific syntactic operations on modifiers 3. Meaning shifts in modifiers

212. Constraints on Borrowing212 Otomi nominal modification 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers

213. Constraints on Borrowing213 Otomi nominal modification 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers N:arargogu‘behñä ART deaf-one woman

214. Constraints on Borrowing214 Otomi nominal modification 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers N:argogu‘behñä ART deaf-one woman

215. Constraints on Borrowing215 Otomi nominal modification 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers N:ar gogu ‘behñä ART deaf-one woman Vintrans:arbi=johyabätsi ARTPRES.3=be.happychild

216. Constraints on Borrowing216 Otomi nominal modification 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers N:ar gogu ‘behñä ART deaf-one woman Vintrans:arjohyabätsi ARTbe.happychild

217. Constraints on Borrowing217 Otomi nominal modification 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers N:ar gogu ‘behñä ART deaf-one woman Vintrans:arjohyabätsi ARTbe.happychild Vtrans:ar‘bituxi=n-t’axi-Ø ARTsheetPERF.3SG=PP-white-3SG

218. Constraints on Borrowing218 Otomi nominal modification 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers N:ar gogu ‘behñä ART deaf-one woman Vintrans:arjohyabätsi ARTbe.happychild Vtrans:arxi=n-t’axi-Ø‘bitu ARTPERF.3SG=PP-white-3SGsheet

219. Constraints on Borrowing219 Otomi nominal modification 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers N:ar gogu ‘behñä ART deaf-one woman Vintrans:arjohyabätsi ARTbe.happychild Vtrans:arxi=n-t’axi-Ø‘bitu ARTPERF.3SG=PP-white-3SGsheet

220. Constraints on Borrowing220 Otomi nominal modification 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers N:ar gogu ‘behñä ART deaf-one woman Vintrans:arjohyabätsi ARTbe.happychild Vtrans:art’axi‘bitu ARTwhitesheet

221. Constraints on Borrowing221 Otomi nominal modification 1. Loss of formal aspects of modifiers N:ar gogu ‘behñä ART deaf-one woman Vintrans:arjohyabätsi ARThappychild Vtrans:art’axi‘bitu ARTwhitesheet

222. Constraints on Borrowing222 Otomi nominal modification 2. Syntactic operations:

223. Constraints on Borrowing223 Otomi nominal modification 2. Syntactic operations: ar m-padehe ARTPP-hotwater

224. Constraints on Borrowing224 Otomi nominal modification 2. Syntactic operations: ar m-padehe ARTPP-hotwater ar nam-pa dehe ARTveryPP-hotwater

225. Constraints on Borrowing225 Otomi nominal modification 2. Syntactic operations: ar m-padehe ARTPP-hotwater ar nam-pa dehe ARTveryPP-hotwater Arm-pa(ne)n-kuhidehe ARTPP-hot(and)PP-deliciouswater

226. Constraints on Borrowing226 Otomi nominal modification 2. Syntactic operations: ar m-padehe ARTPP-hotwater ar nam-pa dehe ARTveryPP-hotwater Arm-pa(ne)n-kuhidehe ARTPP-hot(and)PP-deliciouswater Argogu(N)(ne)noho(VT)‘behñä ARTdeaf(and)fatwoman

227. Constraints on Borrowing227 Otomi nominal modification 3. Meaning shift

228. Constraints on Borrowing228 Otomi nominal modification 3. Meaning shift heni ‘to cut’  n-theni ‘red’

229. Constraints on Borrowing229 Otomi nominal modification 3. Meaning shift heni ‘to cut’  n-theni ‘red’ heke ‘to divide’  n-thege ‘scarce’

230. Constraints on Borrowing230 Otomi nominal modification 3. Meaning shift heni ‘to cut’  n-theni ‘red’ heke ‘to divide’  n-thege ‘scarce’ ar ‘bospi ‘the ashes’  m’bospi ‘grey’

231. Constraints on Borrowing231 Otomi nominal modification Very recent changes at this scale:

232. Constraints on Borrowing232 Otomi nominal modification Very recent changes at this scale: Grammaticalization process most probably speeded up by Bilingualism in Spanish (cf. Heine & Kuteva 2005)

233. Constraints on Borrowing233 Otomi nominal modification Very recent changes at this scale: Grammaticalization process most probably speeded up by Bilingualism in Spanish Otomi: type change V/N  V/N/A

234. b. Grammatical elements

235. Constraints on Borrowing235 Borrowings: lex vs gram

236. Constraints on Borrowing236 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL (N/V/A) 84.0%65.3%51.9% GRAMMATICAL16.0%34.7%48.1% > >

237. Constraints on Borrowing237 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL84.0%65.3%51.9% GRAMMATICAL 16.0%34.7%48.1% ? >> <<

238. Constraints on Borrowing238 Borrowings: grammatical QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DisMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% … ……… N.B. ABSOLUTE: no competition

239. Constraints on Borrowing239 Borrowings: grammatical QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DisMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subord1.6%4.6%6.1% … ……… N.B. ABSOLUTE

240. Constraints on Borrowing240 Borrowings: grammatical QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0% 19.4% 0.0% DisMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subord1.6%4.6%6.1% … ……… N.B. ABSOLUTE

241. Constraints on Borrowing241 Borrowings: grammatical QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DisMrk0.6%0.8% 6.5% Subord1.6%4.6%6.1% … ……… N.B. ABSOLUTE

242. Constraints on Borrowing242 Borrowings: grammatical QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DisMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subord1.6% 4.6%6.1% … ……… N.B. ABSOLUTE

243. Constraints on Borrowing243 Borrowings: grammatical QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0% 19.4% 0.0% DisMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% … ……… N.B. ABSOLUTE

244. Constraints on Borrowing244 Borrowings: grammatical I QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos ( = PREP) 0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% ALL INFORMANTS BOTH DIALECTS

245. Constraints on Borrowing245 Borrowings: grammatical I QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos ( = PREP) 0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí:

246. Constraints on Borrowing246 Borrowings: grammatical I QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos ( = PREP) 0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí: - no adpos

247. Constraints on Borrowing247 Borrowings: grammatical I QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos ( = PREP) 0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí: - no adpos - no other way of case marking

248. Constraints on Borrowing248 Borrowings: grammatical I QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos ( = PREP) 0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí: - no adpos - no case markers - but: prenominal adverbs

249. Constraints on Borrowing249 Borrowings: grammatical I QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos ( = PREP) 0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí: - no adpos - no case markers Function & Syntax: + + - but: prenominal adverbs

250. Constraints on Borrowing250 Borrowings: grammatical I QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos ( = PREP) 0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí: - no adpos - no case markers Function & Syntax: + + - but: prenominal adverbs Guaraní, Quechua:

251. Constraints on Borrowing251 Borrowings: grammatical I QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos ( = PREP) 0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí: - no adpos - no case markers Function & Syntax: + + - but: prenominal adverbs Guaraní, Quechua: - postpositions / case markers (Que)

252. Constraints on Borrowing252 Borrowings: grammatical I QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos ( = PREP) 0.5% 21.2% Art0.0%19.4%0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí: - no adpos - no case markers Function & Syntax: + + - but: prenominal adverbs Guaraní, Quechua: - postpositions / case(Que) Function & Syntax: (-) -

253. Constraints on Borrowing253 Borrowings: grammatical II QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0% 19.4% 0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% ALL INFORMANTS

254. Constraints on Borrowing254 Borrowings: grammatical II QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art 0.0%19.4%0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% ALL INFORMANTS

255. Constraints on Borrowing255 Borrowings: grammatical II QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0% 19.4% 0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% ‘la’ ART(+fem)1764 nsp=37 (of 38)  SG

256. Constraints on Borrowing256 Borrowings: grammatical II QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0% 19.4% 0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% ‘la’ ART(+fem)1764 nsp=37 (of 38)  SG ‘lo’ ART(+pl) 157 nsp=19  PL

257. Constraints on Borrowing257 Borrowings: grammatical II QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0% 19.4% 0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí =has DefArt

258. Constraints on Borrowing258 Borrowings: grammatical II QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0% 19.4% 0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí =has DefArt Guaraní =no Art

259. Constraints on Borrowing259 Borrowings: grammatical II QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0% 19.4% 0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí =has DefArt Guaraní =no Art Quechua =no Art

260. Constraints on Borrowing260 Borrowings: grammatical II QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art 0.0%19.4% 0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Otomí =has Art Guaraní =no Art Quechua =no Art ?

261. Constraints on Borrowing261 Borrowings: grammatical II QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0% 19.4% 0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Function in Guarani: ‘la’ and ‘lo’ typically used as Topic marker, not definiteness marker

262. Constraints on Borrowing262 Borrowings: grammatical II QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Adpos0.5% 21.2% Art0.0% 19.4% 0.0% DsMrk0.6%0.8%6.5% Subj1.6%4.6%6.1% Conj6.9%4.4%7.5% Function in Guarani: ‘la’ and ‘lo’ typically used as Topic marker, not definiteness marker  None in Gua; exists in Que: ‘-ka’

263. Constraints on Borrowing263 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL84.0%65.3%51.9% GRAMMATICAL 16.0%34.7%48.1% ? >> <<

264. Constraints on Borrowing264 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL84.0%65.3%51.9% GRAMMATICAL 16.0%34.7% 48.1% -21.2 >> Adpos  lexical (~ADV), not grammatical

265. Constraints on Borrowing265 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL84.0% 84.0 65.3% 65.3 51.9% 73.1 GRAMMATICAL16.0% 16.0 34.7% 34.7 48.1% 26.9 >>

266. Constraints on Borrowing266 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL84.0% 84.0 65.3% 65.3 51.9% 73.1 GRAMMATICAL16.0% 16.0 34.7% 34.7 48.1% 26.9 >> < ?

267. Constraints on Borrowing267 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL 84.065.373.1 GRAMMATICAL 16.034.726.9 >> lexical Large, open categories (N!!) ?

268. Constraints on Borrowing268 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL 84.065.373.1 GRAMMATICAL 16.034.726.9 >> lexical Limit: Complete relexification (100%) Media Lengua; Creoles; … ?

269. Constraints on Borrowing269 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL 84.065.373.1 GRAMMATICAL 16.034.726.9 >> lexical Large, open categories grammatical Limited: small, closed categories ?

270. Constraints on Borrowing270 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL 84.065.373.1 GRAMMATICAL 16.034.726.9 >> lexical Large, open categories grammatical Limited: small, closed categories Relative ‘overrepresentation’ early on !

271. Constraints on Borrowing271 Borrowings: lex vs gram QuechuaGuaraníOtomí LEXICAL 84.065.373.1 GRAMMATICAL 16.034.726.9 >> lexical Large, open categories grammatical Limited: small, closed categories Stopped if ‘unsuitable’ for grammar !

272. Constraints on Borrowing272 Stability across dialects

273. Constraints on Borrowing273 Stability across dialects QUECHUA: IMBABURA (Ecuador) BOLIVAR (Peru)

274. Constraints on Borrowing274 Stability across dialects GUARANI: CITY (Asunción) RURAL (several villages) QUECHUA: IMBABURA BOLIVAR

275. Constraints on Borrowing275 Stability across dialects OTOMI: SANTIAGO TOLIMAN GUARANI: CITY RURAL QUECHUA: IMBABURA BOLIVAR

276. Constraints on Borrowing276 Que.I – Que.BGua.C – Gua.ROto.S – Oto.T N54%: 56 – 4737%: 34 – 4741%: 40 – 42 V18%: 19 – 1218%: 17 – 21 5%: 4 – 5 A 9%: 9 – 10 8%: 8 - 9 2%: 2 – 2 Adpos 1%: 1 – 1 1%: 1 – 021%: 18 – 26 DefArt 0%: 0 – 019%: 23 – 12 0%: 0 – 0 Stability across dialects

277. Constraints on Borrowing277 QI - QBGC - GROS – OT N54%: 56 – 47 37%: 34 – 4741%: 40 – 42 V18%: 19 – 1218%: 17 – 21 5%: 4 – 5 A 9%: 9 – 10 8%: 8 - 9 2%: 2 – 2 Adpos 1%: 1 – 1 1%: 1 – 021%: 18 – 26 DefArt 0%: 0 – 019%: 23 – 12 0%: 0 – 0 > Stability across dialects

278. Constraints on Borrowing278 QI - QBGC - GROS – OT N54%: 56 – 4737%: 34 – 4741%: 40 – 42 V 18%: 19 – 1218%: 17 – 21 5%: 4 – 5 A 9%: 9 – 10 8%: 8 - 9 2%: 2 – 2 Adpos 1%: 1 – 1 1%: 1 – 021%: 18 – 26 DefArt 0%: 0 – 019%: 23 – 12 0%: 0 – 0 > Stability across dialects

279. Constraints on Borrowing279 QI - QBGC - GROS – OT N54%: 56 – 4737%: 34 – 4741%: 40 – 42 V18%: 19 – 1218%: 17 – 21 5%: 4 – 5 A 9%: 9 – 10 8%: 8 - 9 2%: 2 – 2 Adpos 1%: 1 – 1 1%: 1 – 021%: 18 – 26 DefArt 0%: 0 – 019%: 23 – 12 0%: 0 – 0 > Stability across dialects

280. Constraints on Borrowing280 QI - QBGC - GROS – OT N54%: 56 – 4737%: 34 – 4741%: 40 – 42 V18%: 19 – 1218%: 17 – 21 5%: 4 – 5 A 9%: 9 – 10 8%: 8 - 9 2%: 2 – 2 Adpos 1%: 1 – 1 1%: 1 – 0 21%: 18 – 26 DefArt 0%: 0 – 019%: 23 – 12 0%: 0 – 0 < Stability across dialects

281. Constraints on Borrowing281 QI - QBGC - GROS – OT N54%: 56 – 4737%: 34 – 4741%: 40 – 42 V18%: 19 – 1218%: 17 – 21 5%: 4 – 5 A 9%: 9 – 10 8%: 8 - 9 2%: 2 – 2 Adpos 1%: 1 – 1 1%: 1 – 021%: 18 – 26 DefArt 0%: 0 – 0 19%: 23 – 12 0%: 0 – 0 > < Stability across dialects

282. 6. Conclusion

283. Constraints on Borrowing283 Specific Hypotheses

284. Constraints on Borrowing284 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case marker

285. Constraints on Borrowing285 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case marker YES: Guaraní borrows Spanish Def Art, interpreted as TOPIC marker

286. Constraints on Borrowing286 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case markerY-T 2. N > V > A

287. Constraints on Borrowing287 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case markerY-T 2. N > V > A YES: for all 3 languages, but V & A type specific

288. Constraints on Borrowing288 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case markerY-T 2. N > V > AY-T 3.a N > Adpos

289. Constraints on Borrowing289 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case markerY-T 2. N > V > AY-T 3.a N > Adpos YES, but different for different language types

290. Constraints on Borrowing290 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case markerY-T 2. N > V > AY-T 3.a N > AdposY-T 3.b Adpos > Aux > Article

291. Constraints on Borrowing291 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case markerY-T 2. N > V > AY-T 3.a N > AdposY-T 3.b Adpos > Aux > Article Depends on type of language

292. Constraints on Borrowing292 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case markerY-T 2. N > V > AY-T 3.a N > Adpos Y-T 3.b Adpos > Aux > Article T 4. Adpos > Case affix

293. Constraints on Borrowing293 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case markerY-T 2. N > V > AY-T 3.a N > Adpos Y-T 3.b Adpos > Aux > Article T 4. Adpos > Case affix (case not relevant for Spanish)

294. Constraints on Borrowing294 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case marker Y-T 2. N > V > AY-T 3.a N > Adpos Y-T 3.b Adpos > Aux > Article T 4. Adpos > Case affix - 5. No Preposition in Postpositional language

295. Constraints on Borrowing295 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case markerY-T 2. N > V > AY-T 3.a N > Adpos Y-T 3.b Adpos > Aux > Article T 4. Adpos > Case affix - 5. No Preposition in Postpositional language YES, almost 100%

296. Constraints on Borrowing296 Specific Hypotheses 1. Discourse marker > Case markerY-T 2. N > V > AY-T 3.a N > Adpos Y-T 3.b Adpos > Aux > Article T 4. Adpos > Case affix - 5. No Prep in Post languageY-T

297. Constraints on Borrowing297 General observations

298. Constraints on Borrowing298 General observations 1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N > V > A) do not work straightforwardly

299. Constraints on Borrowing299 General observations 1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N > V > A) do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost, and continues over time

300. Constraints on Borrowing300 General observations 1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N > V > A) do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost, and continues over time 3. Other lexical PoS depend (also) on typology

301. Constraints on Borrowing301 General observations 1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N > V > A) do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost, and continues over time 3. Other lexical PoS depend on typology 4. Adpos: function in target language + subcategorization in source language

302. Constraints on Borrowing302 General observations 1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N > V > A) do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost, and continues over time 3. Other lexical PoS depend on typology 4. Adpos: function in target language + subcategorization in source language 5. Article: (re)interpreted as discourse marker

303. Constraints on Borrowing303 General observations 1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N > V > A) do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost, and continues over time 3. Other lexical PoS depend on typology 4. Adpos: function in target language + subcategorization in source language 5. Article: (re)interpreted as discourse marker 6. Borrowing hierarchies should be refined on the basis of typological characteristics of the source and target language

304. Constraints on Borrowing304 General observations 1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N > V > A) do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost, and continues over time 3. Other lexical PoS depend on typology 4. Adpos: function in target language + subcategorization in source language 5. Article: (re)interpreted as discourse marker Q.E.D.

305. Constraints on Borrowing305 Reference Bakker, Dik, Jorge Gómez-Rendón & Ewald Hekking (2008). ‘Spanish meets Guaraní, Otomí and Quichua: a multilingual confrontation’. In Thomas Stolz, Dik Bakker & Rosa Palomo (eds) Aspects of Language Contact. Mouton de Gruyter, 165-238. Bakker, Dik & Ewald Hekking (2010).’Is Otomí creating a new lexical class for the modification of noun phrases as a result of the contact with Spanish?’. STUF 63, 5-19. Buck, Carl D. (1987 [1949]): A dictionary of selected synonyms in the principal Indo- european languages. Chicago & London: The University of Chicago Press. Campbell, Lyle (1989). On proposed universals of grammatical borrowing. In Papers from the 9th international conference on historical linguistics, Henk Aertsen, and Robert J. Jeffers (eds), 91–109. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Croft, William (1991). Syntactic categories and grammatical relations: The cognitive organization of information. Chicago: Chicago University Press Heine, Bernd & Kuteva,Tania (2005). Language contact and grammatical change. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press.

306. Constraints on Borrowing306 Reference Hengeveld, Kees, Jan Rijkhoff, and Anna Siewierska (2004): Parts-of-speech systems and word order, in: Journal of Linguistics 40.3, 527-570. Moravcsik, Edith (1978). Universals of language contact. In Universals of language, Vol I, Method and theory, Joseph Greenberg (ed.), 95–122. USA: Stanford University Press. Thomason, Sarah G. (2001). Language contact. An introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

307. Constraints on Borrowing307 ?