Personal networks, social support and transnational ties: the case of Catalonia José Luis Molina, Miranda J Lubbers & Carlos Lozares (UAB) Research projects funded by the ESF (SEJ E 05_ECRP_FP026), MICINN (CSO /SOCI), MECO (CSO ). Workshop ‘Transnational Social Support’. Mainz, 4-5 May, 2012

Topics to be presented The geographical repartition of personal networks (of people living in Catalonia) and how it affects the availability of social support (especially in the case of “immigrants”). How personal networks of “immigrants” change over time. Some final thoughts about the economic crisis and social cohesion.

1. Geographical repartition of migrants personal networks What are the differences between “nationals” and “immigrants” in terms of the geographical repartition of their social networks (in Catalonia)? Where do the support-providing contacts of nationals and immigrants live?

Project CASREDIN Funded by the MICINN ( ). PI: Carlos Lozares Colina, QUIT, Department of Sociology, UAB. Quota sample stratified by place of residence and target group (origin and age). –Place of residence: Barcelona (capital), Sant Feliu (Metropolitan Area) and Balaguer (Small city). –Target group representing native Catalans and different migratory waves, national and international 416 interviews with inhabitants of Catalonia, born in Catalonia, Spain, Morocco and Ecuador (the two main migrant groups in Catalonia). Fieldwork: sept may 2010.

Sample Target groupsN% Cumulative % Age >55, born in Catalonia with parents born in Catalonia 9222,1 Age 25-55, born in Catalonia with parents born in Catalonia 5613,535,6 Age 25-55, born in Catalonia, with parents born in the rest of Spain 7618,353,8 Age>50, born in the rest of Spain6315,169,0 Born in Ecuador5613,582,5 Born in Morocco7317,5100,0 Total416100,0

Structured interview with EgoNet 1.Survey questions about the respondent or “ego” (length of residence, occupation, …) 2.Freelist name generator (30 names of active contacts, i.e., people “whom you know and who know you and who you have contacted in the past two years and might contact again if you wished so”) 3.Questions about each of the network members or “alters” (country of residence and of origin, 6 types of social support exchanged, emotional closeness, …) 4.Question about the relationships among network members (“is it likely that X and Y have contact independently of you?”)

Why a fixed network size? The number of alters that respondents freely nominate is not a reliable estimate of the true network size. –Respondents’ energy, cooperation, memory, expansiveness bias, satisficing tendencies, and the skills of the interviewer may all affect network size – and consequently, network characteristics –Fixing network size gives all respondents an equal amount of work. –If the fixed size is large enough, the individual variability in tie characteristics (e.g., support) might give you exactly the information you are looking for.

Strong and weak ties … A roster of 30 active contacts tends to overrepresent strong and supportive ties, although weak ties are also captured. Emotional closeness PercentCorresponding to … alters in a network of 30: 1 (not close at all) 4% 1 2 (a little close) 15% 4 3 (close) 36%11 4 (very close) 29% 9 5 (intimate) 17% 5 Total100%30 74% of all ties provide some type of support

Why measure structure? The structure of relationships is assumed to affect the flow of information through a network (mobilization of social support, social control, conformity of opinions), which can have consequences for individual outcomes ego

Geographic repartition of active contacts Social relations of people born in Catalonia are essentially local: in general over 70% of the contacts living in the same city or area of influence ("glocalization", Hampton & Wellman, 2002, Robertson 1997). In the case of the two immigrant groups studied, the situation is significantly different with a 51% (Ecuador), and a 58% (Morocco) contacts living in another town, not necessarily the country of origin.

Age >55, with parents born in Catalonia. Non-local active contacts (25,2%)

Age 25-55, parents born in the rest of Spain. Non-local active contacts (34,6%)

Born in Ecuador. Non-local active contacts (50,9%)

Born in Morocco. Non-local active contacts (57,7%)

And … what about “interethnic” relations?

Types of support and alter location Catalan-Spaniards Migrants

And after 10 years of residence?

Significant differences ….

Preliminary conclusions... Immigrants have smaller local support networks (their suppliers of support do not live in the same town). In addition, we know from an ongoing research project about ethnic businesses in Catalonia that resources for coping with the crisis or starting a new business are also basically local.

2. How do the personal networks of immigrants change over time? Is there a general tendency toward social integration*-- assimilation? How do transnational ties develop over time? Can we distinguish different profiles or trajectories of change? * Defined here as “acceptance and inclusion of immigrants in the primary relationships and social networks of the host society” (Esser).

Project Personal Network Dynamics Wave 1 (2004-’06): –Funded by National Science Foundation (PI´s: Christopher McCarty, University of Florida, and José Luis Molina, UAB) –Snowball sample of 504 immigrants in Catalonia (N = 301) and New York (N = 203) Wave 2 (2007-’08): –Funded by European Science Foundation (PI: José Luis Molina) –Second interview with 77 of the immigrants who participated in the first project and who still lived in Catalonia Structured interviews with EgoNet, 45 alters per respondent in each wave In the second wave, alters were first nominated, then the interviewer and interviewee ID´d those alters who were nominated before, in Wave 1

Four groups 1.Argentineans (N = 25) –Diverse motivations for migration; typically individual migration –Very diverse occupations (reporter, psychologist, musician, …) –Relatively few experiences with racism 2.Dominicans (N = 15) –Labour migration –Secondary labour market (construction, …) –More or less half of them report that relatives in origin depend on them economically 3.Moroccans (N = 21) –Most numerous group with longest residence in Catalonia –Chain migration, mostly labour migration (families) and family reunification –The majority works in the secondary labour market (cleaning, clothing industry, farm labour…) 4.Senegalese / Gambians (N = 16) –Most recent migration, predominantly male; 42% already had histories of migration –Chain migration, mostly temporary labour migration (individual) –The majority works in the secondary labour market (agriculture, construction, …) –Relatives in origin depend on them economically

Av. composition t1 Spaniards (10) co-ethnics in Spain(13) “the others” (5) co-ethnics in origin (17) ego Very close Close A little close Not very close Not close at all

Circled alters were nominated in both waves Spaniards “The others” Av. composition t1 Co-ethnics in origin Co-ethnics in Spain

Change in composition Spaniards “the others” Co-ethnics in origin Co-ethnics in Spain Circled alters were nominated in both waves

Change in composition Spaniards “the others” Co-ethnics in origin Co-ethnics in Spain Circled alters were nominated in both waves

Change in composition Spaniards (- 0,2) “the others” (+ 0,6) Co-ethnics in origin (-2,8) Co-ethnics in Spain (+ 2,4) Circled alters were nominated in both waves

Average composition t1t1 t2t2 N Spaniards N co-ethnics in Spain N co-ethnics in origin N others Closeness (1-5) Frequency of contact (1-7) Closeness with Spaniards Frequency of contact Spaniards Stability of ego-alter relationships 42%

Average structure t1t1 t2t2 Density32%33% Degree centrality (DC) of Spaniards in the networks DC co-ethnics in Spain DC co-ethnics in origin DC others Stability alter-alter relationships (for alter pairs that were present in both waves) 90%

Is there a tendency toward “social integration”? No. On average, no increase in: –The number of Spaniards in the networks –Emotional closeness with Spaniards –Frequency of contact with Spaniards –Centrality of Spaniards Hardly an increase in: –Relations among Spanish and non-Spanish alters

On the other hand… The networks become more local over time (the number and centrality of coethnics in Spain increase, those of coethnics in origin decrease) 35% of the youngest ties are with Spaniards, and they do not differ in emotional closeness (nor in stability) from the youngest ties with coethnics in Spain.

Transnational ties Almost half of the network resides in another country, most of them in the country of origin. Transnational ties include many of the respondents’ strongest and most supportive ties. Whereas the number of ties in origin declines gradually, the context of origin is far from disappearing: ties are not only maintained but also newly created

Six profiles of change The lack of change over time on average was caused by some individuals changing in one direction and others in another… 1. Integration in the country of residence: An increase in relationships with Spaniards (N = 8) 2. Regression: An increase in relationships with people in origin (N = 19) 3. Local concentration: An increase in relationships in the country of residence, primarily with coethnics but to a lower degree with Spaniards too (N = 10) 4. Ethnic segregation: An increase in relationships with coethnics, at the cost of relationships with Spaniards (N = 22) 5. “Transnationalization”: An increase in relationships with others, either living in different countries and/or with people from other countries (N = 11) 6. Stability in composition: No change in composition (N = 5)

1. Example integration: Argentinean man t1 yoga Work Friends and people known via friends A friend and people known via him Mixed group Red: Spaniards Green: Argentineans in Argentina Blue: Argentineans in Spain Gray: The others SIZE: Closeness (1-5) With margin: Stable

Red: Spaniards Green: Originals Blue: Fellow migrants Grey: Transnationals Size: Emotional closeness Extra circled : Stable alters Three friends and the Spaniards he knows via them New partner and her friends/relatives Work Ex-work Two childhood friends and people known via them 1. Example integration: Argentinean man t2 Red: Spaniards Green: Argentineans in Argentina Blue: Argentineans in Spain Gray: The others SIZE: Closeness (1- 5) With margin: Stable

1. An example of “integration” (assimilation?) “Definitely there are two groups of Argentineans, those that are in charge that they are here and those who intend to return... I am looking to one side and they are looking to the other. " "In general I do not care about Argentineans living in Catalonia. There is a lack of discretion and a lack of respect. " "I feel more comfortable with a Spaniard than with an Argentinean”.

1. Profile of integration En general: –Majority well integrated in the first interview –Half is Argentinean, the other half are young people of years (3 moroccans & 1 senegalese) –Reasons for the increase in contacts with Spaniards Search for a job, Change of residence, Start having shared activities with Spaniards, Having a Spanish girlfriend…

2. An example of “regression”: Argentinean woman t 1 Husband Best friends Inlaws Catalan class People known via the inlaws Family, childhood friends and people known via them Red: Spaniards Green: Argentineans in Argentina Blue: Argentineans in Spain Gray: The others SIZE: Closeness (1- 5) With margin: Stable

2. An example of “regression”: Argentinean woman t 2 Inlaws People known via the inlaws Catalan class Family Neighbours in Argentina Husband and friends Childhood friends People known via family Red: Spaniards Green: Argentineans in Argentina Blue: Argentineans in Spain Gray: The others SIZE: Closeness (1-5) With margin: Stable

2. An example of “regression” (When I am in Argeninta) it is hard to come back. My mother is getting older and I do nto want to leave her alone”. “I like people there. In the case I had to come back I would do it wihtout hesitation. I would miss the comnfrotable life, the organization is better, everything is cleanest, but, I miss the feeling, the contact and here I have nothing …”

2. Profile of “regression” En general: –Majority is well integrated in the first wave –Majority is Argentinean –Reasons for change indicate temporal instability: Trips to the country of origin Remigration of alters who previously lived in Spain –Temporally or not, the change corresponds with fluctuations in sense of belonging

Red: Spaniards Green: Moroccans in Morocco Blue: Moroccans in Spain Gray: The others SIZE: Closeness (1-5) 4. An example of “ethnic segregation”: a young Moroccan woman in high school t 1 High School

Red: Spaniards Green: Moroccans in Morocco Blue: Moroccans in Spain Gray: The others SIZE: Closeness (1-5) Husband and brothers/ sisters Friends and neighbors His family The rest of her family 4. An example of ethnic segregation: a young Moroccan woman trying to find a job t 2

4. Profile of ethnic segregation In general: –It occurs in all groups; a bit less among Argentineans –Reasons for this process, among others, are: The reproduction of material life (start to work in an ethnic or family business; sharing a residence with co-ethnics) Sharing spaces for social interaction with co-ethnics (associations, bars, sport clubs) or stop sharing spaces with Spaniards (school, associations) The cycle of life (marriage with a co-ethnic, divorce of a Spaniard). –They know Spaniards primarily via their work; this is fine but the relationships do not decouple from this context

4. An example of “ethnic segregation” “ In the past, I felt I belonged here. At school they always said “You are from here, you are catalan”. But now… many people who don´t know anything about Morocco and who only have a Moroccan name, they can´t find a job. “I will call you”. They make you feel Moroccan” “There are people who do not let you feel catalan. They have never said anything to me directly but you know they talk bad about Moroccans. And about the culture. And I am Moroccan. It doesn´t feel good, you know? “I don´t feel I belong here nor there”

Preliminary conclusions (2) In this short period of time we cannot observe a tendency toward “integration”, but rather various trajectories of which integration is only one. There is quite some temporal instability (much due to travels), that nevertheless corresponds with fluctuations in sense of belonging

Preliminary conclusions (3) “Assimilation” and “Transnationalism” are not alternative theories but interwined social processes (Waldinger 2004). We plan to have a third wave of interviews soon.

Economic crisis & social cohesion For migrants … being unemployed means no new opportunities for having relations with “nationals”. For migrants with a business … crisis means loss of contacts with providers and clients (normally “nationals”). “National” policies for preventing irregular migrants of accessing the public health system.

Thank you joseluis.molina ad uab.es mirandajessica.lubbers ad uab.es carlos.lozares ad uab.es

VI International summer course “The measurement of personal networks” Who: José Luis Molina, Miranda Lubbers and invited lecturers: Chris McCarty, Markus Gamper, Jürgen Lerner When: July, 9-13, 2012 Where: UAB, Barcelona Goal: To enable graduate students in the social sciences to create, compare and critique personal network research designs. Program: content/summer-course MmMm

International Seminar “ Personal networks in times of economic hardship and political discontent ” Organization: Egoredes When: July, 11-13, 2012 Where: UAB, Barcelona Keynotes: Chris McCarty and Markku Lonkila Abstracts are welcome until the 15th of May Details: