1. UMMM, Nov. 1. 2009 MIT Young Ah Do (youngah@mit.edu)

2. 2  aki-ka ca-n-ta. (children & adults)  baby-nom sleep-present-decl.

3.  kangmu ɾ -i h ɨɾɨ -n-ta. (adults)  river-nom flow-present -decl.  kangmu ɾ -i h ɨ ll ə -o-n-ta. (children)  river-nom flow -toward-present-decl. 3

4.  The child inflection of irregular verb is complex.  They do have excellent knowledge of the whole inflectional system.  The preference of more complex inflection especially for irregular verbs is to satisfy high ranked output-output correspondence. 4

5.  Three categories of suffixes  A: - ɑ /- ə initial suffixes ▪ tak’- ɑ (to clean), m ə k- ə (to eat), k ɑ - ɑ > k ɑ (to go)  B/C: - ɨ /consonant initial suffixes ▪ tak’- ɨ ni, m ə k- ɨ ni, ka-ni ▪ tak’-k’o, m ə k-k’o, ka-ko 5

6.  A : mood morpheme or semantically empty  - ɑ / ə ▪ m ə k- ə : declarative, interrogative, imperative  - ɑ / ə + tense+ mood ▪ m ə k- ə -ss-t’a : ate  - ɑ / ə + aspectual + mood ▪ m ə k- ə -po-ta : try eating 6

7.  B/C: clausal or mood morpheme  - ɨ ni: causal ▪ m ə k- ɨ ni: Since (I) eat …, / eat … therefore,  - ɨ my ə n: conditional ▪ m ə k- ɨ my ə n: if (I) eat …,  -ko: connective ▪ m ə k-k’o: eat and  -ta: declarative ▪ m ə k-t’a: eat  -ni: question ▪ m ə k-ni? : Do (you) eat… ? 7

8.  Regular verbs  Same stem across different suffixes  A: tak’- ɑ B: tak’- ɨ ni C: tak’-k’o (to clean)  Irregular verbs  Different stems with respect to the suffixal categories  A: tow- ɑ B: tou- ɨ ni >touni C: top-k’o ( to help) 8

9.  Innovative patterns are frequently observed from the inflection of irregular verbs.  Innovations are mostly based on the A form. (Kang 2006, Bak 2004, Park 2002, and AKS 1990-1995).  hæ, ha-ni, ha-ko (to do)  => hæ, hæ-ni, hæ-ko  tow- ɑ, tou-ni, top-k’o (to help)  => tow- ɑ, tow-ni, tow-ko 9

10.  High frequency  In adult Korean, A form mood marker functions as a default mood marker, in the respect that it is in free alternation with more specific mood markers. (Kim and Philip 1998)  Children hear A form most frequently in the early age. (Lee et al. 2003) 10

11.  Base dependency  Computational modeling of learning (Albright and Kang 2009) using Minimal Generalization Learner algorithm (Albright and Hayes 2002, 2003)  Higher predictability of the paradigm from A form than from B or C form. 11

12.  Frequency effect (Hypothesis 1) predicts that children will overuse A form both for regular and irregular verb inflection.  Base dependency (Hypothesis 2) predicts that children will overuse A form for irregular verb inflection but not for regular one.  The current study will support hypothesis 2. 12

13.  Picture description, asking the inflection of the verbs.  j ə ca-n ɨ n _______.  A woman-NOM _____. (expected answer: declarative form of ‘sing’) 13

14.  (1) The context where either B or C suffix forms can be observed  Sentence co-ordinating conjunction 14

15.  Sentence co-ordinating conjunctions are realized by the suffixation of B or C suffix after verb stem in Korean.  -ko (C suffix)‘and‘  Jane- ɨ n ca-ko John- ɨ n c ʰ umc ʰ u-n-ta.  Jane-NOM sleep-and John-NOM dance-present-decl. 15

16.  -ko (C suffix), - ɨ my ə (B suffix)‘and’ ▪ top-k’o ‘help and … ‘ ▪ tou-my ə (<tou- ɨ my ə )‘help and … ‘  -ciman (C suffix), - ɨ na (B suffix) ‘but’ ▪ top-ciman ‘help but … ‘ ▪ tou-na(<tou- ɨ na) ‘help but … ‘  -k ə na (C suffix) ‘or’ ▪ top-k ə na‘help or … ‘ 16

17.  Tense morpheme is allowed only at final clause.  Stem-conjunct, stem-tense-decl ▪ ka-ko, o-n-ta (go-and, come-present-decl) ▪ * ka-n-ko, o-n-ta (go-present-and, come-present-decl) ▪ *ka-ko, o-ta (go-and, come-decl) ▪ *ka-n-ko, o-ta (go-present-and, come-decl) ▪ ka-ko, o-a-ss-t’a (go-and, come-a-past-decl-> went and came)  Let us assume empty tense marker before conjunct  [ø-conj], [tense-decl] 17

18.  Regular and irregular verbs are distributed in a coordinated sentence as a pair.  Stimuli ▪ Subject ___(regular verb), subject ___ (irregular verb). & ▪ Subject ___(irregular verb), subject ___ (regular verb). 18

19.  Namcatul-un ______, j ə catul-un ____.  Men-nom ______, women-nom ____.  expected answer: run/walk, are running/ are walking… 19

20.  8 children (4;2~7;9)  5 girls and 3 boys  Having morphophonological knowledge of the verb inflection ▪ Able to inflect verbs with all three categories of suffixes  4 adults 20

21.  Among 159 irregular verbs in Korean  54 verbs which seem to be familiar to children were chosen.  easy and frequent verbs  54 sentences ▪ #27 21

22.  Among 54 sentences, 30 cases are analyzed where all subjects give same description of the picture.  #18, #12  This picture is described as ▪ A girl reads a book. ▪ A girl studies. ▪ …. 22

23.  Two verbs in a coordinated sentence are inflected in a parallel way.  talli-[ø-ko], k ə t-[n ɨ n-ta] ▪ run-[ø-and], walk-[present-decl]  k ə ɾ - ə -[ka-ø-ko], talli- ə -[o-n-ta] ▪ walk-[away-ø-and], run-[toward-present-decl]  DEP-C1C2, MAX-C1C2 23

24.  A forms are used where B/C forms are required.  cup-n ɨ n-ta (pick-present-decl)  -> *cuw-n-ta  No case where B/C forms substitute A form.  k ə ɾ - ə -ka-n-ta (walk-away-present-decl)  -> * k ə t-ka-n-ta 24

25.  Why do children overuse A form?  Frequency effect?  Base dependency? 25

26.  The preferred way of inflection is different according to the pair and. 26

27.   without aspectual morphemes  talli-ko, k ə t-n ɨ n-ta ▪ run-[ø-and], walk-[present-decl]   with aspectual morphemes  k ə ɾ -[ ə -ka-ø-ko], talli-[ ə -ka-n-ta] ▪ walk-[away-ø-and], run-[away-present-decl] 27

28. 28

29.  Syntactic and semantic form is preliminarily planned both for 1 st and 2 nd conjuncts.  When 1 st conjunct is planning phonological form, 2 nd conjunct has syntactic form but not phonological form yet.  The phonological form of 2 nd conjunct is inserted later by copying that of the 1 st conjunct. 29

30. 30

31.  The context determines the number of clauses and the position of conjunct/mood morpheme.  ____-TENSE-CONJUNCT, ____-TENSE-MOOD MORPHEME.  Semantic interpretation determines verb stems, tense markers, conjuncts and mood morphemes.  RUN-PRESENT-BUT, WALK-PRESENT- DECLARATIVE.  RUN TOWARD-PRS-BUT, WALK AWAY-PRS-DECL. 31

32.  The economy of the production  Unless speakers think aspectual morpheme is semantically necessary, they will not use aspectual morpheme for the economy of the production.  RUN-PRESENT-BUT, WALK-PRESENT- DECLARATIVE.  Let us call the form planned by syntactic and semantic consideration as “Target” (the target of the production). 32

33.  Assuming the hypothesis that (a) A form is the base in Korean verbal paradigms (Albright and Kang 2009), and (b) children start out with high-ranking OO Faithfulness (McCarthy 1999, Hayes 2004), children modify the target if it violates base derivative identity (BD-ID) while adults do not. 33

34.  In this process, they seek a way of modification which is semantically closest to the target. Let us call a modified form as “Realize”.  In other words, “Realize” should have minimal violation to the “Target”.  In the current picture description task, children insert an aspectual morpheme which enables more specific description of the context, with keeping the original meaning of “Target”. 34

35.  The inflection of regular verb 35 BASE:CAB-A /CAP-Ø-K’O/ T IDENT-IO (±CONT) BD-IO (±CONT ) DEP TR BD-IO (±VOI) ☞ /cap-ø-k’o/ R -> cap-ø-k’o * /cab-a-cu-ø-ko/ R -> cab-a-cu-ø-ko **!

36.  The inflection of irregular verb 36 BASE:TOW-A /TOP-Ø-K’O/ T IDENT-IO (±CONT) BD-IO (±CONT ) DEP TR BD-IO (±VOI) /top-ø-k’o/ R -> top-ø-k’o *! /top-ø-k’o/ R -> tow-ø-ko *! ☞ /tow-a-cu-ø-ko/ R -> tow-a-cu-ø-ko **

37.  After the phonological form is determined in 1 st conjunct, 2 nd conjunct copies the same structure in order to make structural parallelism in a coordinated sentence.  DEP-C1,C2 ▪ Every morpheme of conjunct 2 has a correspondence in conjunct 1  MAX-C1,C2 ▪ Every morpheme of conjunct 1 has a correspondence in conjunct 2 37

38.  When the 1 st conjunct is regular verb 38 BASE:TOW-A C1/CAP-Ø-K’O/, C2 /TOP-N Ɨ N-TA/ T DEP- C1,C2 IDENT-IO (±CONT) BD-IO (±CONT ) DEP TR BD-IO (±VOI) ☞ C2/top-n ɨ n-ta/ R -> top-n ɨ n-ta * C2/top-n ɨ n-ta/ R -> tow-n-ta *! C2/tow-a-cu-n-ta/ R - > tow-a-cu-n-ta *!***

39.  When the 1 st conjunct is irregular verb 39 BASE:CAB-A C1/TOW-A-CU-Ø-K’O/, C2 /CAP-N Ɨ N-TA/ T MAX- C1,C2 IDENT- IO (±CONT) BD-IO (±CONT ) DEP TR BD-IO (±NAS) C2/cap-n ɨ n-ta/ R -> cam-n ɨ n-ta *!** ☞ C2/cap-a-cu-n-ta/ R -> cab-a-cu-n-ta **

40.  The choice of using A or B/C form is determined by the first conjunct in coordinated sentences.  The shape of the second verb is determined by the requirement of parallelism (i.e., to be identical to the shape of the first verb). 40

41.  When regular verb is to be inflected in 1 st conjunct, any inflection can satisfy base correspondence because the stem is identical across different suffixations.  When irregular verb is to be inflected in 1 st conjunct, inflection depending on B/C form violates base correspondence while that on A form does not.  Therefore, children use excessive morpheme especially for irregular verb inflection for satisfying high-ranked output-output faithfulness. 41

42.  The asymmetrical inflectional patterns with respect to the (ir)regularity of the verb argue that overuse of A form is triggered not by high frequency effect but by grammatical consideration: high-ranked output-output faithfulness. 42