1. Applying Systemic Functional Syntax to the Analysis of Texts
Robin P. Fawcett
Centre for Language and Communication Research
Cardiff University

2. Which part of the overall architecture of language and its use will we be using for this workshop?
Answer: the lexicogrammar.
Where is this located in the overall model?

3. Look at the following figure:
(from: Fawcett, Robin P., 2011a. Alternative Architectures for Systemic Functional Linguistics: How do we choose? London: Equinox.)

6. Or, in the standard diagram of a working SFG: Which part of this will we be using? This 

7. More about the level of form
the intersection of form and potential = ‘form potential’
(parallel to Halliday’s ‘meaning potential’)
What does it contain?
the realization component, i.e a set of realization rules (‘statements’)
Their function: to specify how meanings (from the system network) are realized.

8. So: How are meanings realized? In what form - or forms?
(This answer is different from the Sydney Grammar’s.)
In spoken discourse:
as items + syntax + INTONATION
In written discourse:
as items + syntax + PUNCTUATION
Items are then SPECIFIED - not ‘realized’, NLG has shown in spoken discourse through segmental phonology in written discourse through orthography
Note 1: we get different views of ‘phonology’ ‘from below’ and ‘from above’.
Note 2: Chinese is different.

9. syntax and items - syntax Here we shall focus mainly on
and especially on
syntax

10. The main theoretical categories of syntax
for SFL
From: Fawcett, Robin P., 2008a. Invitation to Systemic Functional Linguistics through the Cardiff Grammar: an extension and simplification of Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar (Third Edition). London: Equinox.
Handout 1

11. Figure 5-2: The three basic categories of syntax

12. Figure 5-3: The three basic relationships of syntax

13. Some key characteristics of the CG model of functional syntax
How shall we approach these?
Two possibilities – you choose!
EITHER
via considering the extensions to and simplifications of Halliday’s SFG (next slidw) OR
via a crash course based on the teaching sequence
(to Slide 48)
THEN
1 Introduction to the suggested method of analysis
2 Analysis of texts – joint work on demo, yours and/or mine!

14. Answer: Via the subtitle of Invitation – which is:
an extension and simplification of
Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar
In my earlier lecture about the Cardiff Grammar, I described the factors that have led to its continuing development to the present but not the improvements themselves i.e. not the aspects of the Cardiff Grammar that differentiate it from the Sydney Grammar.
I shall now introduce you to the main improvements that differentiate its functional syntax from the functional structures used in the SG, by briefly listing these extensions and simplifications.

15. Simplifications
(making the Cardiff Grammar easier to learn and to use)
The Cardiff uses just one diagram to show the functional syntax of a clause, not the seven lines of boxes (and sometimes more) used in the “silver” text’ on pages of IFG2) to show the different structures that are used in Halliday’s ‘multiple rows of boxes’ analysis.
This one diagram provides the answer to the following question about the diagrams in IFG (left unanswered in IFG):
‘How do the various structures (as shown in diagrams such as those used in the analysis of ‘The “silver” text’) get mapped onto each other to form a single, integrated structure?’
As an example of the nearest equivalent to doing this in the CG, consider the following diagram:

17. The Cardiff Grammar shows the text analyst how to relate the lower units in a tree diagram to the higher units, e.g. a nominal group to a clause - as we shall now see.
This is the concept of filling, in which a unit fills an element of a higher unit.
Yet in IFG there is no example of how this should be done - not even a verbal description.
Consider the following example:

18. Figure 17-1 from Invitation

19. In the Cardiff Grammar, there is only one Main Verb (M) per clause.
The nearest equivalent term in IFG to ‘Main Verb’ is ‘event’ - the element of the ‘verbal group’ that is expounded by a lexical verb.
And, since Halliday allows TWO or more ‘verbal groups’ (typically related by ‘hypotaxis’) to fill his clause element of ‘Predicator’, he would allow two or more Ms.
In the SG there may even be two Ms that are separated by a nominal group.
For examples, see pp of Halliday 1994.
For a critique of the IFG account, see Fawcett 2003b.

20. The Main Verb is a direct element of the clause.
It is the Main Verb that ‘expects’ a given number of PRs, and so is needed to help us to predict the number of Complements So the natural place for a M is as an element of the clause NOT the ‘verbal group’.
For equally strong functional reasons, the Operator (O), the Negator (N), the various Auxiliary Verbs (X), their Extensions (XEx) and the Main Verb Extension (MEx) are also all treated as direct elements of the clause.
Simpler without P and the vgp? Yes, in many ways.
AND there are usually no more than two such elements in any one clause.
(See Fawcett 2000b & 2000c.)

21. Both the meaning of the Subject
Both the meaning of the Subject and the test for identifying the Subject relate solely to basic MOOD meanings
(as was the case in Halliday’s earlier writings).
The part of its meaning of ‘what this clause is about’ (only relevant when it has a referent) is regarded here as a type of ‘Theme’ the clause’s Subject Theme. (See Fawcett 1999.)

22. The tests for distinguishing a Complement from an Adjunct are clear, and they are based on explicitly functional criteria.
(See Fawcett 2008a.)

23. There are many simplifications within the grammar of TRANSITIVITY, e.g.
(i) the overall grammar of relational Processes such as ‘being’ (see Fawcett 1987) is far simpler than it is in IFG;
(ii) there are tests for all PRs, and
(iii) the double analysis of many clauses provided in IFG (one from a ‘transitive’ and one from an ‘ergative’ viewpoint) is seen as an unnecessary complication.

24. 8 Halliday’s concept of ‘hypotaxis’ is handled neatly as embedding,
i.e. as a unit that fills an element of another unit.
Thus a ‘reported speech’ clause is simply treated as an embedded clause that fills a Complement/Phenomenon.
For a critique of ‘hypotaxis’ and some of Halliday’s types of ‘parataxis’, see Footnote 78 in Invitation and the references given there.

25. 9 Many of the phenomena that Halliday describes as types of ‘grammatical metaphor’ are treated here as being directly analyzable in terms of the existing options in the semantic system networks,
and so as not requiring the ‘double analysis’ that Halliday gives them (e.g. as in the analyses of ‘The “silver” text’ on pages of IFG2).
The incongruence of other types is handled in other ways, using higher components of the Cardiff Model of ‘language in use’. (For these, see my Alternative Architectures for Systemic Functional Linguistics)

26. Extensions (making the Cardiff Grammar more comprehensive)
The Main Verb Extension (MEx) is recognized as a major element in the syntax of the clause,
as is the Main Verb (M),
rather than being treated as just another type of ‘Adjunct’, as in IFG.

27. The Cardiff Grammar recognizes many more types of Auxiliary Verb (X).
Six of them co-occur with
Auxiliary Extensions (XEx).
Through these, it provides solutions for many problems in all theories of syntax.
See Section 14.3 of Chapter 14 in Invitation.

28. The Cardiff Grammar has a far fuller coverage than IFG of units other than the clause.
(i) It greatly extends the nominal group (especially in the determiners) through the concept of ‘selection’ (Fawcett 2007b).
(ii) It introduces the new syntactic units of the quality group (for which see Tucker 1997), the quantity group and several types of cluster.
For introductory summaries of all these classes of groups and for one class of cluster, see the second handout.

29. 4 The Cardiff Grammar provides for a wide range of types of embedded clauses, e.g. clauses embedded as Complements (as in Figure 17-1) and Adjuncts.

30. The element Binder (B) is an element in its own right in the Cardiff Grammar.
It is mentioned in IFG2 (p. 214) as a type of ‘adverbial’, but it is left unanalyzed in all actual examples (e.g. if and that on p. 367).

31. The MOOD network has been semanticized,
and so greatly extended,
having features such as ‘information giver’, ‘polarity seeker’, ‘confirmation seeker’ etc.
In this it largely parallels the earlier ‘semanticization’ of TRANSITIVITY, in both the SG and the CG.
See the following simplified MOOD network (from Invitation)

33. The Cardiff Grammar extends the coverage found in IFG by providing descriptions of the units needed to model:
(i) compound nouns,
(ii) proper names,
(iii) other types of name,
(iv) addresses,
(v) dates,
(vi) clock time,
(vii) cardinal numbers,
(viii) telephone numbers.

34. for analyzing the functional syntax of texts
The key tools
for analyzing the functional syntax of texts
Handout 2
Note: where it is taken from (3 places, in fact)
the Key
the clause
the unit itself
the many elements it may fill
the ‘filling probabilities’ for each element
the elements of the clause (not all, see the notes)
examples of units and items that expound the elements

35. Then also familiarize yourself with the rest of Handout 2: the nominal group the prepositional group the quality group the quantity group the genitive cluster the text (simplified) For the structures of other clusters, see Fawcett 2008d of the bibliography.

36. See Handout 3 From Invitation The procedure for clause analysis: a summary 0 Preparation: make the clause an ‘information giver’ that is ‘positive’, and replace wh-items by someone, etc. 1 Find the Process, and so the Main Verb M or M + Main Verb Extension(s) M + MEx or M + preposition M + p (inside C) or M + Main Verb Extension + preposition. M + MEx + p 2 Left of M, find any Auxiliaries (if used) X, X, X 3 Right of each X, find any Auxiliary Extension, if used, plus any associated Infinitives XEx + I 4 Left of X, find any other Infinitive (if used) I 5 Left of I, find the Negator (if used). N

37. 6 Left of N, find the Operator (if used). O
7 Left or right of O, find the Subject. S
S may contain a wh-item.
If S is covert, place it in brackets (S)
8 Find the Let element (if used). L
Find all PRs. S is probably one;
any other PR is a Complement. C, C
If a C contains a wh-item, expect it to the left.
If a C is covert, place it in brackets (C)
Find any Adjuncts. A, A ...
If an A contains a wh-item, expect it to the left.
11 Find the Vocative (if used) V
12 Find the Ender (if used). E

38. the analysis of a complex text-sentence
Next:
A demonstration of
the analysis of a complex text-sentence
Keep Handout 3 handy, because you will need consult the useful tests in the next part of the workshop.
See Handout 4:
Stages in analyzing a complex text-sentence

39. Identify the Processes
Ivy wishes that they went out more often, but Ike prefers to watch football on TV.
2. Make a rough first pencil sketch of the Processes and their clauses.

40. 3. Identify items that mark the beginnings of clauses.

41. 4. Incorporate these in a first pencil sketch of the overall structure.

42. 5. Add any Enders.

43. From now on, the guidelines apply to each clause (so do everything four times in the present example). 1. Using the Process and PR Test, check again the Participant Roles (PRs) for each clause, looking especially for covert PRs.

44. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 Check for any Auxiliary Verbs (X), Auxiliary Extensions (XEx), Infinitive Elements (I), Negator (N), Operator (O) – and then use the to confirm the Subject (S).

45. 8. Find the Let Element (L), as in Let’sall do it (if used). 9
8. Find the Let Element (L), as in Let’sall do it (if used). 9. If in doubt about whether a possible Complement is a PR and so a C, use the C or A Test to check; and also re-check for any covert Cs, using the Process and PR Test.

46. 10. Find any Adjuncts. Confirm them by using the Adjunct
10. Find any Adjuncts. Confirm them by using the Adjunct Place-change Test.
Find any other clause elements, e.g. a Vocative (V).
12. Analyze any nominal groups (5 in this example), prepositional groups (1), quality groups (1), quantity groups (0) and any clusters (2: Ivy and Ike).

47. Next: joint analysis of the “shower” text
Next: joint analysis of the “shower” text. Then: any texts which cause problems? (invitation in the abstract). And/or: some typical texts of our time: advert for pizzas.

48. Introduction to the functional syntax of the English clause

49. Introducing TRANSITIVITY and MOOD: a simple example
Context of situation: Paula is teaching her eight-year-old nephew Adam how to cook a delicious vegetable dish.
Paula: And what do you think we are going to do next? We shall simmer them gently. For about ten minutes.
Our example: We shall simmer them gently.

50. The multifunctional principle
Every clause serves several different functions at the same time.
How?
By mapping several different ‘strands of meaning’
into a single two-dimensional structure
This is composed of:
a unit, its elements, and the items that ‘expound’ the elements.
(an example very soon!)
‘Several’ = 3 or 4 in Halliday’s verbal descriptions, but up to 7 or 8 in ‘The “silver” text’.
In the Cardiff Grammar: 8 major strands (+ 2 minor strands).

51. Words, elements and units: keeping things simple
Consider this example:
That nice man should cook those delicious vegetables very carefully indeed.
How would you analyze it?

52. Solution

53. Can all clause elements be filled by units?
Luckily - No. This makes analysis easier!
Only Subjects, Complements and Adjuncts can be filled by units. (99.9% reliable)
Only these three types of clause element can be filled by units,
because only these three types of clause elements refer to entities.
Each different type of entity has its own internal semantic complexity,
So the units which fill Subjects, Complements and Adjuncts have their own internal syntactic complexity:
nominal group prepositional group
quality group quantity group

54. The special case of ‘being’ as a Main Verb
Consider:
They are reporters.
What is its syntax?

55. Solution
M is conflated with O.

56. Auxiliary Verbs (X) Notes: X is conflated with O.
How is the meaning of ‘retrospective’ realized?

57. A second type of Auxiliary Verb
- adding the meaning of ‘period-marked’

58. A third type of Auxiliary Verb
- realizing the meaning of ‘passive’
Why is ‘passive’ chosen?
One reason:
to make the SECOND Participant the Subject Theme.

59. Summary so far: So there is typically a choice:
First or Second Participant as Subject Theme?
Summary so far:

60. Now consider this: The Complement is a COVERT Participant.
(occurs with around 80% of passives)

64. More on TRANSITIVITY: Participants as Subjects and Complements
Four questions about TRANSITIVITY
1 What is a Subject - in addition to being an element that helps to define the MOOD?
2 What are the criteria for labelling part of a clause as a Complement - rather than as an Adjunct?
How many Complements can there be in a clause?
What sub-types of Complement is it useful to recognize?
To answer these questions, we need to know what a Participant Role is.
So ....

65. How to identify a Participant Role
What is a Participant Role (PR)?
The answer is: A PR is a role that is 'expected' by the Process.
Or, more accurately:
A Participant Role is a role which we expect to occur in the clause, as a result of knowing what the Process is.

66. The Process and PR Test (99% reliable)
Assuming that xxx stands for the Main Verb,
that someone/thing/where stands for each possible PR,
and that the brackets show elements that may be absent,
try saying:
In this Process of xxx-ing, we expect to find
someone or something
xxx-ing
(someone or something)
((to or from) someone or something or somewhere).
The last line simply says: ‘The possible second or third PR may be preceded by to or from.’

67. It is the Process of xxx-ing that expects the Complements
It is the Process of xxx-ing that expects the Complements and NOT the situation as a whole.
Example
Consider
(3) Ivy will eat the pasta tomorrow.
Application of the test Try saying:
‘In this Process of eating, we expect to find someone eating something.’
This makes sense;
i.e. the ‘someone’ is Ivy and the ‘something’ is the pasta.
So Ivy and the pasta are almost certainly PRs, and so are S and C.
But the Process of ‘eating’ does NOT require that the Time Position should be expressed, so tomorrow is not a PR, so is probably an A.

68. The answer to Question 1
The question was: What is a Subject - in addition to being an element that helps to define the MOOD?
The answer is: Typically, the Subject (S) is a Participant Pole (PR) (over 99% reliable).
The answer to Question 2
The question was: What are the criteria for labelling part of a clause as a Complement - rather than as an Adjunct?
The answer is: Any PR that is not S is a Complement (C).
(100% reliable when analyzing only elements of clauses, as in this chapter, but this definition will be re-expressed later).

69. Re-expressing Question 3
The question was:
How many Complements can there be in a clause?
Like Questions 1 and 2, Question 3 needs to be answered in terms of PRs, so we will re-express it as Question 3a:
Question 3a: How many Participant Roles can be associated with a Process?
How many in each of these examples?
(9) The bridge collapsed yesterday.
(10) I enjoyed yesterday.
(11) It snowed yesterday.
(12) Fred put the money in the bank yesterday.
(13) Ivy asked him a question yesterday.

71. The answer to Question 3a:
The vast majority of Processes have TWO associated PRs,
a small number have ONE associated PR,
a small number have THREE associated PRs - and
a very few have 0 associated PRs - all about the 'environment' (typically the weather, e.g. It's raining, where it does not refer to anything).

72. A summary of the major types of Processes and Participant Roles
from Chapter 10 of Invitation

74. Notes
In the Cardiff Grammar: the ‘Process types’ are identified by the configurations of PRs associated with them.
Identifying the full set of PRs is a difficult task It is best treated as a SECOND STAGE in the analysis, to carry out after distinguishing between PRs and CRs.
The Cardiff Grammar provides a full set of tests for each type of PR (in Fawcett 2009, from forthcoming 2010b).
Rows (1) to (3) are ‘action’ Processes,
Rows (4) to (8), (10) and (11) are ‘relational’ Processes,
Row (9) are a ‘mental’ Processes, and
Row (12) is an ‘environmental’ Process.

76. The C or A test (99% reliable with ‘experiential’ Adjuncts)
This test supplements the Process and PR Test in cases of doubt about whether an element is a Complement or an Adjunct.
1 Thematize the element to be tested (i.e. put it first in the clause),
2 Treat it a separate ‘information unit’ (i.e. separate it by a comma).
If the clause sounds completely natural, it is probably an Adjunct.
If it sounds odd it is probably a Complement.
Examples
Consider Example (3) again:
Re-express it as ‘Tomorrow, Ivy will eat the pasta.’
This sounds completely natural, so tomorrow is an Adjunct.

77. The problem of distinguishing between C and A
The problem of distinguishing between C and A when the referent is a 'place’
Consider:
(4) Thomas bought this watch in Amsterdam.
(5) Thomas lives in Amsterdam.
What element is in Amsterdam in each of (4) and (5): a Complement or an Adjunct?’
Re-express (4) as In Amsterdam, I bought this watch.
Re-express (5) as In Amsterdam, he lives.

78. Four ways in which Processes are realized
(in clauses)
1: a simple verb that expounds a Main Verb
2, 3 and 4: as for 1, plus other words
i.e. multi-word Processes (three main types)

79. The first type of multi-word Process
Consider:
He raised the problem again.
He brought up the problem again.

80. Why not simply treat the ‘phrasal verb’ bring up as the M?

81. This is why.

82. (3b) Off [MEx] he [S] rode [M] into the sunset [C].
Also:
(3a) He [S] rode [M] off [MEx] into the sunset [C].
(3b) Off [MEx] he [S] rode [M] into the sunset [C].
NB the use here of a linear notation (saves space).
Its major limitation: only good for one unit at a time.
Not used much in the Cardiff Grammar.
NEVER in text analysis.

83. The more frequent items at MEx:
Very frequent:
up, down; in, out; on, off; about, (a)round, along, away; over, through and back (NB back can co-occur with others, as also can on with ‘directional’ Processes.)
Fairly frequent:
across, apart, aside, ahead; in front, behind, by, together, under

84. Now consider:
(4) He went straight in on his own.
(5) I’ve gone right off horror films.
Here, a unit fills the MEx.
(The unit is a quantity group: reasons later)

85. (8) What [MEx] are [O/X] you [S] doing [M]?
And also consider:
(6a) Ike [S] swims [M] every day [A].
(6b) Ike [S] has [M] a swim [MEx] every day [A].
(7a) Ivy [S] hugged [M] her boyfriend [C].
(7b) Ivy [S] gave [M] her boyfriend [C] a hug [MEx].
and…
(8) What [MEx] are [O/X] you [S] doing [M]?
(9) I [S] ’m [O/X] not [N] doing [M] anything [MEx].
Here, the traditional concept of a ‘phrasal verb’ has been greatly - and usefully - extended.
(Usage in Quirk et al 1985 v usage in IFG.)

86. The second type of multi-word Process
Consider:
(10) They [S] are [O/X] discussing [M] climate change [C].
(11) They are talking about climate change.
How should we analyze (11)?
Not with talking about as M, because of
(12) They are talking anxiously about climate change.

87. What is the PR that the Process predicts?
Is it climate change or is it about climate change?
And the answer is:
Just as there is a ‘two-word verb’ that expresses a Process through a Main Verb + Main Verb Extension (a ‘phrasal verb’ in traditional grammar)
there is also a ‘two-word verb’ that expresses a Process through a Main Verb + preposition (a ‘prepositional verb’ in traditional grammar)

88. So the analysis is:

89. While such ‘prepositional verbs’ occur frequently,
While such ‘prepositional verbs’ occur frequently, they only occur about a quarter as frequently as ‘phrasal verbs’.
Other examples include:
approve of, depend on, dispense with, listen to, look at, provide with, shoot at, and refer to.
A final example: a notice in a pharmacist’s shop window:
We Dispense With Care.
J. Smith, Pharmacist

90. The third type of multi-word Process
They couldn’t get away from the tsunami. (= ‘escape’)
(14) I’m looking forward to Spring. (= ‘anticipate with pleasure’)
(15) They don’t really get on with each other. (= ‘like’?)
(16) Ike’s been going out with Ivy for years. (= ‘courting’?!)

91. And also:
(17a) We should have a chat about it (= ‘discuss informally’)
(18a) Could you please take a look at my boiler? (= ‘examine’)
(19a) She is afraid of big dogs. (= ‘fears’)
He had fallen in love with her when they were students.
(roughly = ‘loved’?
Will you please do something about this? (= ‘cure’?)
Analysis?

92. Solution
(a ‘phrasal-prepositional verb’, in traditional grammar)

93. Can all clause elements be filled by units?
Luckily - No.
Only Subjects, Complements and Adjuncts (and Vocatives) are typically filled by units. (99.9% reliable)
The units are differentiated from each other by their own internal functional syntax - reflecting variable values in their semantics.
nominal group realizes the semantics of a ‘thing’
prepositional group realizes the semantics of a
‘thing with a minor relationship’
quality group realizes the semantics of a ‘quality’
quantity group realizes the semantics of a ‘quantity’
For a full set of corpus-based filling probabilities
for each unit, see Appendix 1 of Invitation.

94. Introduction to the nominal group
Three simple examples:
(13) it
(14) Elsinor
Semantic features (realized in the head : [cultural classification] v [token cultural classification] v [naming]

95. Terminology 1
Concerning the syntax of (12), we can say:
1 This unit is a nominal group (ngp), and its elements are: a deictic determiner (dd), two modifers (m), a head (h) and a qualifier (q).
The deictic determiner is expounded by the item the.
3 The head is expounded by the item castle.
Each of the two modifiers is filled by a quality group (qlgp) (whose internal structure is not shown), and the apex of each is expounded by the items impressive and old.
5 The qualifier (whose internal structure is also not shown) is filled by a prepositional group (pgp) (in the centre of the city).

96. Terminology 2
Concerning the semantic functions of (12), we can say:
1 This nominal group realizes the meaning of ‘thing’.
2 The head answers the question: What class of thing? (in terms of the cultural classification of ‘things’ provided by the language).
3 Each of the two modifiers answers the question What sort of thing? (typically, but not necessarily) in terms of a quality).
4 The qualifier also answers the question What sort of thing? - but typically at greater length (e.g. in terms of (1) its relationship with some other ‘thing’ - as here - or (2) in terms of its role in another ‘situation’ (e.g. which we visited yesterday).
5 The deictic determiner answers the question Which?’

97. Nominalization
Some nominal groups realize ‘situations’ (so not ‘things’).
Compare:
Here we shall focus on ngps that realize ‘things’.

98. The concept of ‘selection’ in the nominal group
(taken from Fawcett 2007b - see handout)
Fawcett, Robin P., 2007b. ‘Modelling “selection” between referents in the English nominal group: an essay in scientific inquiry in linguistics’. In Butler, C.S., Hidalgo Downing, R., and Lavid, J., Functional Perspectives on Grammar and Discourse: In Honour of Angela Downing, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp

99. Some data in need of explanation
(1) those children
(2) five children
(3) five of those children / them
(4) all (of) those children / them
(5) five of those children / them
(6) dozens of those children / them
(7) a crowd of those children / them
(8) five of the youngest of those children / them
(9) the front of a group of the youngest of those children / them
(1) to (7) realize the meanings of ‘identification’ and ‘quantity’ of a ‘thing’
(8) and (9) add the meanings of ‘superlativized’ and ‘part’

100. More problematical data:
realizing the meanings of the ‘representation’ and ‘type’ of ‘thing’
(10) This is a photo of my daughter.
(11) What is your idea of an ideal partner?
(12) Toyota have brought out a new type of car that is more eco-friendly.
(13) It’s an example of one of the first of the new varieties of GM wheat.
(14) Toyota have brought out a new car that is more eco-friendly.
From (3) on, these examples are problematical for all grammars.

101. What is the solution? (or a solution)?
Let’s focus on a simple example`:
A large number of those books (are now out of date.)
In a large number of those books, which element is the head?
Is it number or is it books?
The answer:
Such structures realize the concept of
‘selection’ among the referents of a nominal group
Three questions
1 How should we analyze the structure of such nominal groups?
2 What is the system network from which such units are generated like?
3 What are the realization rules that turn the meanings into forms like?
4 Today: Question 1. For 2 and 3, see Fawcett 2007b.

102. Is (33) a good solution? If you think so, what about (32)?
Answer: (33) Is the analysis of a linguist who is thinking
at the level of form, not meaning.

103. A functional answer Key concept: ‘selection’ between ‘referents’.
Here: selection by (1) ‘identifying’ and (2) ‘quantifying’
Should we worry about ‘Subject-verb agreement’? No!
(The realization rules handle such formal matters.)

104. The nominal group: introducing the superlative determiner
(‘selection’ between three referents)

105. Why the superlative determiner is not a modifier

106. The nominal group: the representational determiner
(‘selection’ between two referents + an embedded ngp)

108. Summary of the determiners in the English nominal group
element item unit (s)
typic determiner ngp (h < type, etc)
representational determiner ngp (h < photo. etc)
partitive determiner ngp (h < back, etc)
fractionative determiner half or ngp (h < fifth etc)
quantifying determiner item or ngp or quantity group
ordinative determiner quality group
(apex < fifth etc)
superlative determiner quality group
(apex < finest etc)
totalizing determiner all
qualifier-introducing determiner those
deictic determiner item or genitive cluster
head noun ngp (occasionally)

109. Introduction to the prepositional group
The typical structure:

110. A nominal group with a qualifier filled by a preposition group

111. Introduction to embedded clauses and texts
A sample of the data to be explained
John didn’t wait; he ran away.
John ran away, which surprised everyone.
John ran away, and Fred stayed behind.
John ran away, whereas Fred stayed behind.
John was scared, so he ran away.
John ran away, because he was scared.
John said ‘I’m running away.’
John said he was running away.
John thought to himself ‘I’ll run away.’
John thought he would run away.
Do you recognize these examples?

112. Halliday’s ten types of ‘clause complex’
(based on Table 7(2) of IFG, p. 220)

113. The embedding of a ‘report of content’
(the first CG equivalent of the SG’s‘ hypotactic projection’)

114. An IFG-style analysis of (8)

115. Towards a full picture of what may fill a Phenomenon in a ‘communication’ clause
(7) John [Ag] said to me [Af-Cog] ‘I’m running away.’ [Ph] [report of wording]
(8) John [Ag] said (to me [Af-Cog]) he was running away [Ph] [report of content]
(11) John [Ag] told us [Af-Cog] he was running away [Ph] [report of content]
(12) John [Ag] told me [Af-Cog] (about) his plan to run away [Ph].
(13) John [Ag] told me [Af-Cog] about) his plan
(14) John [Ag] told me [Af-Cog] the answer [Ph].
(15) John [Ag] told me [Af-Cog] a lie / a funny story [Ph].
(16) John [Ag] told me [Af-Cog] everything (that he knew) [Ph].
(17) John [Ag] told me [Af-Cog] that / so [Ph].

116. The embedding of a ‘report of content’
(the CG equivalent of the SG’s ‘paratactic projection’)

117. An IFG-style analysis of (7) and (9)

118. The embedding of a ‘proposition’
(the second CG equivalent to ‘hypotactic projection’)

119. An IFG-style analysis of (1) and (27)

120. The embedding of a clause filling a Circumstantial Role
(the first CG equivalent of the SG’s ‘hypotactic extension’)
Note: (4) below receives a similar analysis
(but with ‘Cause replaced by ‘Contrast’)
(4) John ran away, whereas Fred stayed behind.

121. Towards a full picture of what may fill a Circumstance of Cause
John ran away, because he was scared (A/Cau filled by a clause)
(6c) John ran away, because of his fear (of it) (A/Cau filled by a prepositional group)
(6d) John ran away for that reason (A/Cau filled by a prepositional group)
(6e) John ran away, therefore (A/Cau directly expounded by an item)

122. An IFG-style analysis of (6)

123. (1) John didn’t wait; he ran away.
Two co-ordinated clauses
(the CG equivalent of the SG’s ‘paratactic expansion’)
Note: (1) and (5) below receive similar analyses (except that (1) has no Linker).
(1) John didn’t wait; he ran away.
(5) John was scared, so he ran away.

124. An IFG-style analysis of (3)

125. A co-ordinated clause with an ‘additive evaluative afterthought’ relationship
(the CG equivalent of one of the SG’s types of ‘hypotactic elaboration’)
Compare: John ran away, and this surprised everyone.

126. An IFG-style analysis of (2)

127. The practical effect of adopting the CG analyses shown here is to make these important areas of the overall grammar:
(i) simpler, because there are fewer theoretical constructs that need to be kept in mind,
(ii) more comprehensive, in that it provides for types of relation not covered in the IFG framework, and
(ii) more transparent, in that the structural analysis relates directly to the semantic feature that it realizes.
One final example:

128. A sentence with both co-ordination and embedding (of two types)

129. Summary
We have seen:
(i) the great amount of common ground that the Sydney and the Cardiff versions of SFL have in common (in terms of the nature of language, the goals of linguistics, the methods, and relations between theory, description and use (sometimes known as ‘applications’),
(ii) the differences between the two versions that can be seen as complementary, and
(iii) some of the main differences that are clearly alternative positions (rather than ‘complementarities’).

130. One of the stated aims of the congress is
to encourage ‘engagement with the different “dialects” and “registers” of systemic functional linguistics around the world’.
Being realistic, the starting point for this ‘engagement’ has to be the fact that,
while those who work in the framework of the Cardiff version of SFL are fairly knowledgeable about the Sydney version, the converse is not normally the case.
(The fault lies on both sides; we Cardiff linguists have often published our work in places that would not normally be read by Sydney-oriented linguists, and we have been especially poor in the production of introductory textbooks - till now (see below).

131. The SFL Community must learn to live with – and to celebrate -
alternative versions of (i.e. ‘voices’ in) SFL.