1. Part IV Chapter 19

2. Clearly defined norms and sanctions governing male-female behavior Normative gender system relayed/installed in members via socialization network of everyday social interaction and social institutions Part 4: Ch. 19

3. Hence mechanisms exist that encourage compliance with normative gender order Includes stigmatization and devaluation of those whose behavior is deviant Part 4: Ch. 19

4. In response attempts made to discredit such women by labeling them lesbian Such accusation is a powerful controlling mechanism, given homophobic context within American society Lesbianism is a strong threat, since it challenges heterosexual family structure, and female dependence on men for economic, emotional, and sexual needs Part 4: Ch. 19

5. Homophobic controls include frequent application of lesbian label to women who move into traditional male-dominated fields, such as politics, business or military Such “lesbian baiting” suggests that women’s advancement into such areas is inappropriate Such messages are potent since lodged in a society that condemns, devalues, oppresses and victimizes persons labeled as homosexuals Part 4: Ch. 19

6. Sport represents another area where women have made significant strides As a result they have become potential targets of such negative labels and innuendo Sport a critical area for lesbian baiting due to traditional linkage of males and athleticism: Women who play sports violate docile female gender role norms Imputing masculine qualities to women in sports leads to questioning their sexuality Eventual targets of homophobic accusations Part 4: Ch. 19

7. Stereotyping of women athletes as lesbians and the homophobia fostering this label Athletic directors at seven large Division I universities asked for list of all varsity female athletes so they could be contacted for telephone interviews: n = 22 Interviews were tape-recorded, 50 to 90 minutes; questions open-ended Results: two major themes emerged Part 4: Ch. 19

9. Respondents reluctant to mention topic, or discussion preceded by long and awkward pauses that suggest feelings of uneasiness Some spoke about it indirectly without using the term (“it” not lesbianism) Suggests degree to which women athletes have been socialized into silence Part 4: Ch. 19

10. Another hint of silence surrounding issue was reflected in those who said sexual orientation was a very personal issue It was therefore a private and extraneous part of a person’s life Unfortunately this view doesn’t eliminate stigma and stress of being labeled Nor does it confront or challenge status quo: Depoliticizes lesbianism & ignores broader social issues Part 4: Ch. 19

11. Tendency for athletes to hide their athletic identities Nearly all indicted that despite pride in being an athlete there were situations where they preferred others not know Perceived stigma connected with athletics women sought to avoid (masculine women, jock image, etc.) Some accentuated certain behaviors to reduce likelihood of being labeled lesbian (having a boyfriend, sexual promiscuity) Disguising one’s athletic identity example of “role inversion” in which persons emphasize opposite traits to label or group in question Part 4: Ch. 19

12. On individual level: Women’s teams unable to collectively discuss, confront, or challenge labeling of women athletes as lesbian One factor complicating team effort to confront the lesbian stereotype was divisive nature of label itself: Might put team into factions of cliques Heterosexual and lesbian athletes often had limited contact with each other Part 4: Ch. 19

13. Likewise coaches and athletic directors reluctant or unwilling to openly confront the lesbian stereotype This impacted how women athletes themselves handled the stereotype Women’s sports male-controlled and may fear openly addressing lesbian issue would impede progress of women’s sports A collective strategy of silence about and denial of lesbianism thus emerges Part 4: Ch. 19

15. Athletes identified various factors that led others to label female athletes as lesbians: Physical appearance Dress (masculine clothing) Personality Specific sport (softball vs. volleyball) Athletes seem to accept societal definitions of lesbianism even this group is often target and an oppressed group Part 4: Ch. 19

16. Sports most commonly seen by athletes as lesbian: softball, field hockey, basketball Reasons: more body contact or degree of aggression required Participants in team sports more likely to be labeled lesbian, with exception of volleyball Part 4: Ch. 19

17. During interviews, majority of athletes made negative comments about lesbians reflecting internalization of negative label Rarely directed condemnation at homophobic, patriarchal society No mention made of attempts to enlist support of campus gay/lesbian groups to counter negative lesbian stereotypes Part 4: Ch. 19

18. Lesbian stereotype and label has negative consequences for women athletes It diminishes the sporting accomplishments of athletes Controls or limits number of females entering sports Discourages women from opportunities for self- actualization enjoyed by men Discourages female bonding among team members for fear of being labeled Forces lesbian athletes to feel negative consequences and self-denial Part 4: Ch. 19

19. How did lesbian female athletes deal with their homosexual identities? How did others (teammates, coaches) react to lesbian female athletes? Part 4: Ch. 19

20. Part IV Chapter 20

21. Study focuses on consequences of incarceration on employment for black and white men Part 4: Ch. 20

23. Over 2 million persons currently incarcerated in U.S., highest rate in world Numbers reflect trend of longer sentences & more incarceration for greater range of offenses Little planning or provision for individuals’ eventual return to community About half a million released annually 12 million ex-felons total or about 8% of working-age population Recidivism high, with nearly 2/3 charged with new crimes & 40% return to prison within 3 years of release I. Trends in Incarceration Part 4: Ch. 20

24. At least one contributing factor is that incarceration is associated with limited future employment and earnings Incarceration rate for black men in 2000 was 10% versus 1% for whites Young black males: 28% likelihood of incarceration during lifetime – a probability that increases to over 50% for young black high school dropouts Translates into large & increasing population of black ex-offenders returning to communities Black ex-offenders goal of reaching economic self- sufficiency are compounded by stigma of race along with criminal record I. Trends in Incarceration Part 4: Ch. 20

25. Goal of current study is to assess whether effect of a criminal record differs for black and white job applicants Little or no previous research has explored racial differences in effects of incarceration on such things as employment I. Trends in Incarceration Part 4: Ch. 20

27. Four 23-year-old male college students (two black & two white) testers and matched on physical appearance and style of self- presentation Within each team of same race, one tester was randomly assigned a ‘criminal record’ for the first week and this was rotated weekly during period of job searches Part 4: Ch. 20

28. Each team randomly assigned 15 job openings per week; White pair and black pair assigned separate sets of jobs with same-race testers applying to same jobs A total of 350 employers were audited: 150 by white team, 200 by black team More audits by black team because they received fewer callbacks and more cases sought to enable more precise estimates of effects under investigation Tester profiles: criminal record consisted of felony drug conviction (possession with intent to distribute cocaine) and 18 months of prison time served Part 4: Ch. 20

30. Criminal record has a large and significant effect: 34% without records received callbacks, while only 17% of whites with records received callbacks Finding represents a 50% difference in outcomes Part 4: Ch. 20

32. The effect of race is huge: only 14% of blacks without records received callbacks while a mere 5% with records received calls Blacks without records in other words received less callbacks (14%) than whites with records (17%) and compared to 34% of whites without records Part 4: Ch. 20

34. Ratio of callbacks for non-offenders relative to ex-offenders for whites is 2:1 Ratio of callbacks for non-offenders relative to ex-offenders for blacks is 3:1 The effect of a criminal record is 40% larger for blacks than for whites Part 4: Ch. 20

36. There can be doubt of the powerful, negative effects of a criminal record on employment outcomes: Chances for employment decreased by 50% to 33% With millions of ex-offenders, the policy consequences are profound Part 4: Ch. 20

37. Persistent effect of race on employment also clear from this study: While incarceration is a strong barrier to employment, race is even a bigger one The combination of race and a record severely limits employment opportunities for blacks thereby leaving many without viable legal alternatives of livelihood Part 4: Ch. 20

38. Why is the recidivism rate so high among criminal offenders and what can be done to decrease it? What effects do race have on the employability of whites and blacks and what does it say about racism in American society? Part 4: Ch. 20