1. Rules and analogy in Russian loanword adaptation and novel verb formation Vsevolod Kapatsinski Indiana University Dept. of Linguistics & Cognitive Science Program Speech Research Lab vkapatsi@indiana.edu LSA 2007

2. Russian stem extensions -i- event  event+i+ ‘happen’ -i- event  event+i+ ‘happen’ -a- eat  it+a+ ‘eat’ -a- eat  it+a+ ‘eat’ Source: The Big Dictionary of Youth Slang, 2003 Source: The Big Dictionary of Youth Slang, 2003 Borrowed verbs Borrowed verbs New verbs formed from nouns New verbs formed from nouns

3. Which stem extensions are more productive?

4. The questions How can we predict the choice of the stem extension? How can we predict the choice of the stem extension? Is one extension applied by default? Is one extension applied by default? Predicted by the Dual Mechanism Model (Pinker and Prince 1988, 1994) Predicted by the Dual Mechanism Model (Pinker and Prince 1988, 1994) Locality effects Locality effects Analogical vs. schema-based accounts? Analogical vs. schema-based accounts? Do parts of the root adjacent to the root-suffix boundary influence suffix choice more than more distant parts of the root? Do parts of the root adjacent to the root-suffix boundary influence suffix choice more than more distant parts of the root? Do parts of the root that are not adjacent to the root-suffix boundary influence the choice of the suffix? Do parts of the root that are not adjacent to the root-suffix boundary influence the choice of the suffix? Unexpected under the Rule-Based Learner (Albright and Hayes 2003) Unexpected under the Rule-Based Learner (Albright and Hayes 2003)

5. Part I. Defaultness

6. Phonotactic influences: It’s not all phonotactic

7. Phonotactics do not explain all the variation Can analogy to existing words predict the stem extension taken by a borrowed verb? Can analogy to existing words predict the stem extension taken by a borrowed verb? Analogy: Analogy: The borrowed verb will take the stem extension of the majority of its neighbors. The borrowed verb will take the stem extension of the majority of its neighbors. Verbs are neighbors if their roots share at least 2/3 of their phonemes Verbs are neighbors if their roots share at least 2/3 of their phonemes

8. Analogical predictions kam kap kak kaz kar kaj kad kim xam kum kajm kach -a -i

9. Similarity effect N=598N=1085

10. i a Final consonant as a predictor KAM kajM xaM kuM groM toM weM shtorM skoroM KiM duM xroM 8/11 3/11 m  i Not just Place: b  i (41/54) p  a (36/57)

11. Analogy vs. Final consonant Breakdown by stem extension

12. When analogy makes no prediction In 8.5% of verbs, analogy makes no prediction In 8.5% of verbs, analogy makes no prediction Numbers of nieghbors taking each stem extension are equal Numbers of nieghbors taking each stem extension are equalOR No neighbors No neighbors What determines stem extension choice then? What determines stem extension choice then?

13. N=98 (5.5%) When there are equal numbers of neighbors rooting for –a and -i, coronals are not associated with either stem extension What about verbs that have no neighbors?

14. Number of neighbors=0 N=59 (3%) When there are no neighbors, coronals are always followed by -i

15. Interim Summary Analogy accounts for 87% of the data excluding velars Analogy accounts for 87% of the data excluding velars Analogy performs better than specifying the final consonant Analogy performs better than specifying the final consonant Analogy predicts –i better than it predicts –a Analogy predicts –i better than it predicts –a (70% vs. 93%) (70% vs. 93%) When there are no neighbors, coronals are always followed by -i When there are no neighbors, coronals are always followed by -i

16. An issue for the Dual Mechanism Model Pinker and Prince (1988, 1994): Pinker and Prince (1988, 1994): One suffix should be more productive than the other suffix with novel lexical items that are not similar to existing ones One suffix should be more productive than the other suffix with novel lexical items that are not similar to existing ones -i > –a after coronals -i > –a after coronals  -i is the default This suffix is applied by default. Hence, analogy should be less able to predict when this suffix will occur. This suffix is applied by default. Hence, analogy should be less able to predict when this suffix will occur. Analogy is less able to predict occurrence of –a Analogy is less able to predict occurrence of –a  -a is the default Possible accounts: Possible accounts: Analogy Analogy Associations between parts of the root and suffixes Associations between parts of the root and suffixes Associations should be stronger when the distance between the suffix and the part of the root is small Associations should be stronger when the distance between the suffix and the part of the root is small

17. Part II. Locality

18. Do neighbors that don’t share the final C matter? Albright and Hayes (2003): Albright and Hayes (2003): The only segment strings that can be associated with a suffix are uninterrupted segment strings that include the final segment The only segment strings that can be associated with a suffix are uninterrupted segment strings that include the final segment Weaker version: Weaker version: Suffixes can be associated with adjacent phonological chunks more strongly than with non-adjacent ones Suffixes can be associated with adjacent phonological chunks more strongly than with non-adjacent ones

19. Testing the hypothesis of lack of non-local dependencies KAM KAp KAk KAz KAr KAj KAd KiM xAM KuM KAjM KAch -a -i

20. Adjacent dependencies are stronger

21. Combining predictors If we know What do most neighbors sharing final C take? What do most neighbors sharing final C take? What do most words with this final C take? What do most words with this final C take? Do we need to know What do most neighbors that do not share final C take? What do most neighbors that do not share final C take?

22. Final consonant vs. final-sharing neighbors KAM KiM XaM KuM KAjM loM groM weM greM Etc. Previously sharing just the final C was not enough to be considered neighbors

23. Non-local dependencies still important Logistic Regression: Logistic Regression: Final C: χ 2 = 31.0 Final C: χ 2 = 31.0 Neighbors sharing final C: χ 2 = 329.8 Neighbors sharing final C: χ 2 = 329.8 Neighbors not sharing final C: χ 2 = 181.7 Neighbors not sharing final C: χ 2 = 181.7  Local dependencies are stronger All predictors are significant at p<.0005 All predictors are significant at p<.0005  Non-local dependencies do exist

24. Conclusion Huge similarity effects for both stem extensions Huge similarity effects for both stem extensions All productive suffixes sensitive to similarity All productive suffixes sensitive to similarity But, after coronals But, after coronals -a is less predictable than –i based on analogy -a is less predictable than –i based on analogy -i is more productive than –a when there are no analogical models nearby -i is more productive than –a when there are no analogical models nearby  Defining attributes of a DMM default are dissociable (cf. Kapatsinski 2005)

25. Conclusion -a is less predictable than –i based on analogy -a is less predictable than –i based on analogy Possible reason: Possible reason: There are more –i verbs than –a verbs in the lexicon There are more –i verbs than –a verbs in the lexicon Possible analogical solution: Possible analogical solution: Thus, a given neighbor is more likely to bear –i than it is to bear –a Thus, a given neighbor is more likely to bear –i than it is to bear –a Thus, occurrence of an –a neighbor is more salient than occurrence of an –i neighbor Thus, occurrence of an –a neighbor is more salient than occurrence of an –i neighbor

26. Conclusion After coronals After coronals -i is more productive than –a when there are no analogical models nearby -i is more productive than –a when there are no analogical models nearby -i and –a are equally productive when there are as many neighbors bearing –i as neighbors bearing -a -i and –a are equally productive when there are as many neighbors bearing –i as neighbors bearing -a Interpretation: Interpretation: Use analogy whenever possible; Use analogy whenever possible; if both alternatives have equal support, then they are equally acceptable; if both alternatives have equal support, then they are equally acceptable; if no analogical models, use phonotactics if no analogical models, use phonotactics

27. Conclusion Analogy or schemas? Analogy or schemas? Activate similar words? Activate similar words? Activate sublexical chunks associated with suffixes? Activate sublexical chunks associated with suffixes? Locality effects support the schematic account (cf. Albright and Hayes 2003) : Locality effects support the schematic account (cf. Albright and Hayes 2003) : Dependencies between adjacent segments are easier to learn than dependencies between non-adjacent ones (e.g., Hudson Kam and Newport 2005) Dependencies between adjacent segments are easier to learn than dependencies between non-adjacent ones (e.g., Hudson Kam and Newport 2005) While adjacent dependencies are stronger, non-adjacent dependencies seem to also play a role in suffix choice (contra Albright and Hayes 2003). While adjacent dependencies are stronger, non-adjacent dependencies seem to also play a role in suffix choice (contra Albright and Hayes 2003).

28. Thank you!

29. Acknowledgements N.I.H. for financial support through a training grant to David Pisoni and the Speech Research Lab N.I.H. for financial support through a training grant to David Pisoni and the Speech Research Lab Tessa Bent, Adam Buchwald, Joan Bybee, and Susannah Levi for helpful discussion Tessa Bent, Adam Buchwald, Joan Bybee, and Susannah Levi for helpful discussion

30. References Albright, A., and B. Hayes. 2003. Rules vs. analogy in English past tenses: A computational/ experimental study. Cognition 90, 119-61. Albright, A., and B. Hayes. 2003. Rules vs. analogy in English past tenses: A computational/ experimental study. Cognition 90, 119-61. Bybee, J. L. 1985. Morphology: A study of the relation between meaning and form. Benjamins. Bybee, J. L. 1985. Morphology: A study of the relation between meaning and form. Benjamins. Bybee, J. L. 1995. Regular morphology and the lexicon. Language and Cognitive Processes, 10. 425-455. Bybee, J. L. 1995. Regular morphology and the lexicon. Language and Cognitive Processes, 10. 425-455. Kapatsinski, V. M. 2005. Characteristics of a rule-based default are dissociable: Evidence against the Dual Mechanism Model. In S. Franks, F. Y. Gladney, and M. Tasseva-Kurtchieva, eds. Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics 13: The South Carolina Meeting, 136-46. Michigan Slavic Publications. Kapatsinski, V. M. 2005. Characteristics of a rule-based default are dissociable: Evidence against the Dual Mechanism Model. In S. Franks, F. Y. Gladney, and M. Tasseva-Kurtchieva, eds. Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics 13: The South Carolina Meeting, 136-46. Michigan Slavic Publications. Pinker, S., and A. Prince. 1988. On language and connectionism: Analysis of a parallel distributed processing model of language acquisition. Cognition, 28, 73-193. Pinker, S., and A. Prince. 1988. On language and connectionism: Analysis of a parallel distributed processing model of language acquisition. Cognition, 28, 73-193. Pinker, S., and A. Prince. 1994. Regular and irregular morphology and the psychological status of rules of grammar. In S. D. Lima, R. L. Corrigan, and G. K. Iverson, eds. The reality of linguistic rules, 321-51. Benjamins. Pinker, S., and A. Prince. 1994. Regular and irregular morphology and the psychological status of rules of grammar. In S. D. Lima, R. L. Corrigan, and G. K. Iverson, eds. The reality of linguistic rules, 321-51. Benjamins.

31. Breakdown by place of articulation of final C

32. Extracting the dependencies For a dependency between a part of the root and a suffix to be formed, many roots must share the same sublexical chunk and the same stem extension For a dependency between a part of the root and a suffix to be formed, many roots must share the same sublexical chunk and the same stem extension Is this the case? Is this the case? What are the major schemas? What are the major schemas? Are they all local? Are they all local?

33. Separate networks for –a and –i verbs kam kap kak kaz kar kaj kad kim xam kum kajm kach -a -i

34. The most connected –a verbs min number of neighbors = 20

35. The most connected –i verbs min number of neighbors = 35

36. Adding some less connected –i verbs (min #of neighbors = 20)

37. Conclusion There are large clusters of verbs in the lexicon in which all verbs are similar to each other in exactly the same way, which could give rise to schema formation. There are large clusters of verbs in the lexicon in which all verbs are similar to each other in exactly the same way, which could give rise to schema formation. Many of such schemas would not involve sharing segments that are adjacent to the suffix. Many of such schemas would not involve sharing segments that are adjacent to the suffix.