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Preposition Stranding in British English: ?Up with how much constraints do you have to put? CoGETI Forschungsnetzwerk Constraintbasierte Grammatik: Non-Canonical Structures workshop University of Göttingen, 06.07.-07.07.2006 Thomas Hoffmann (University of Regensburg)
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1. Introduction (1) About what will I talk? (2) What will I talk about?
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1. Introduction (1) About what will I talk? (2) What will I talk about? (1) displacement of P about (“pied-piping”) (2) P about “in-situ” without complement (“stranded”)
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1. Introduction Preposition stranding as in (2) looks like normal long-distance filler-slot structure, but: Not all languages allow P stranding, cf. e.g.: (3)*Das Thema, das ich über sprechen werde (4) The topic which I will talked about Which factors affect P stranding/pied-piping in E? Can all stranded data be captured by a general construction/constraint? [which e.g. licenses SLASH-ed COMP-lists for P]
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2. Stranding and Pied-Piping in English In English stranding occurs in four structures in which …: i. Stranding i I’ve heard of i.[preposing] ii. What i is he talking about i ?[open interrogative] iii.What a great topic i he talked about i ![exclamative] iv.the structure [which i he talked about i ].[wh-relative] (cf. Pullum and Huddleston 2002: 627)
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2. Stranding and Pied-Piping in English In English stranding occurs in four structures in which pied piping is an alternative option: i. Of stranding i I’ve heard i.[preposing] ii. About what i is he talking i ?[open interrogative] iii.About what a great topic i he talked i ![exclamative] iv.the structure [about which i he talked i ].[wh-relative] (cf. Pullum and Huddleston 2002: 627)
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2. Stranding and Pied-Piping in English In English stranding occurs in four structures in which pied piping is not possible: v.the structure [(that i ) he talked about i ]. [non-wh relative] vi.the same stuff i as [I talked about i ]. [comparative] vii.His talk i was easy [to find fault with i ].[hollow clause] viii.Stranding i has been talked about i enough].[passive] (cf. Pullum and Huddleston 2002: 627)
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3. Roadmap: What to Expect 1.P placement across clause types (corpus) 2.Categorical RC data (corpus) 3.Magnitude Estimation experiments 4.Variable RC data (corpus) 5.Conclusion
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4. Corpus Data Corpus used: International Corpus of English ICE-GB (educated Present-day BE, written & spoken) (tagged for P stranded / parsed “P+Wh“ search) Analysis tool: GOLDVARB computer programme (logistic regression; Robinson et al. 2001) relative influence of various contextual factors (weights: 0.5 = favouring)
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P strand/pied-piped token tested for 1.Clause Type 2.displaced element (who, what, NP, etc.) 3.XP contained in (V / N, e.g. entrance to sth. / Adj, e.g. afraid of sth.) 4.level of formality 5.X-PP relationship (V prepositional, PP Loc_Adjunct, PP Man_Adjunct …) (e.g. Bergh, G. & A. Seppänen. 2000; Hoffmann 2005; Trotta 2000) 4. P placement across clause types
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4.1 Categorical stranding contexts 1. Which PP types occur in categorical stranding contexts? TypeToken% Passive 9785 Hollow 1412 Comparison 3 3 Sum114
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4.1 Categorical stranding contexts Figure 1: Categorical stranding context by PP type (%)
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Note: P stranding in passive tokens only with lexically specified stored / associated V-P combinations 4.1 Categorical stranding contexts: Passive
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(5)Prepositional Verb: Maybe his absence is is not properly dealt with (6) Complement PP: King 's Canterbury is being spoken of very highly at the moment (7) V-X-P idiom: it 'll be taken care of (8) Affected location: One of the benches had been sat upon
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Note: P stranding in passive tokens only with lexically specified stored / associated V-P combinations features of P stranded in passive sentences combination of: general P stranded constraint [which licenses SLASH-ed COMP-lists for P] general passive construction [affected arguments as Subj] 4.1 Categorical stranding contexts: Passive
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Preliminaries: several categorical data excluded, e.g.: all categorical stranding contexts [cf. above] all that/ -RCs [cf. later] idomatic constructions: What 's it like non-finite RCs [cf. Sag 1997] all Manner, Degree, Respect PPs [cf. later] 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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Type StrandedPied piped WH-RCN69439508 %1486 Free RCN1362138 %991 DirectQN1035108 %955 Indir QN66773 %9010 CleftN84957 %1486 Sum 382502884
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Footnote: ? pied piped free RC data? (9) This has tended to obscure to what extent Beckett 's early writings possess a coherent, though dislocated rhetoric of their own... = obscure the extent to which... [!But: specific PP type (degree); cf. later!] 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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Interestingly: Statistical analysis revealed ClauseType * Formality interaction 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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Free RC / Indir Q / Direct Q: not affected by level of formality
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WH-RC: affected by level of formality
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Cleft-RC: affected by level of formality
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Best Goldvarb model for data: (Fit: X-square(7) = 4,006, p = 0,7784 R 2 = 0,99 / adjusted-multiple R 2 = 0,99 Cross-validation estimate of accuracy = 0,922) significant factors: PP-types Clause*Formal 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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with respect to pied piping: <0.5 = inhibiting pied piping / favouring stranding >0.5 = favouring pied piping / inhibiting stranding 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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PP type relationship (p = 0.000) prepositional "X" "V-X-P" idioms subcategorized PP obligatory complement 0,169 optional complements 0,333 movement accompaniment means/instrument cause/reason/result 0,547 position in time affected location direction position/location 0,941 P strand P piped
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4.2 Variable stranding contexts: Clause*Formal relationship (p = 0.000) Free RC Indirect Q Direct Q 0,028 less formal * WH-RC/Cleft-RC 0,134 more formal * WH-RC/Cleft-RC 0,904 P strand P piped
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Gries 2002: P placement affected by 1) processing effort 2)prescriptive grammar rules Yes, but also: 3)idiosyncratic combination of both! 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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processing: stranding more complex than pied piping since 1)Hawkins 2004: potential processing problems (11) Who i did John see *i Bill talk to i (12) To whom i did John see Bill talk i 2) Stranding defers filler-gap identification beyond verbal head of clause 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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“Gap sites and nodes containing them that are predictable on the basis of conventionalized co- occurrence of their subcategorizers are easier to process than adjunct gaps and adjunct clauses.” (Hawkins 2004: 213) 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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“Gap sites and nodes containing them that are predictable on the basis of conventionalized co- occurrence of their subcategorizers are easier to process than adjunct gaps and adjunct clauses.” (Hawkins 2004: 213) explains effect of factors in PP type: lexically specified PPs favour stranding stranding with adjunct PP: semantic factors (cf. below) 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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In languages that have filler-gap structures for both relative clauses and wh-questions, if a gap is grammatical for a relative clause filler in an FGD of complexity n, then a gap will be grammatical for a wh-question filler in an FGD of complexity n. (Hawkins 2004: 200) 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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In languages that have filler-gap structures for both relative clauses and wh-questions, if a gap is grammatical for a relative clause filler in an FGD of complexity n, then a gap will be grammatical for a wh-question filler in an FGD of complexity n. (Hawkins 2004: 200) partly explains effect of Clause*Formal: Free-RC/Q less complex than RC favour P strand yet: level of formality interaction effect? 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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Note: if only processing effect only need for one general P strand construction Yet: level of formality only associated with Cleft-/WH-RCs !require extra P strand and P piped constructions for these clause types! 4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
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As the ICE-GB data showed both stranding and pied piping occur mostly in relative clauses closer look at RC data [further constraints beyond formality?] 5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
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1.relativizer: all that/Ø-tokens in ICE-GB stranded 176 that+P stranded -token (10) a data source on that I can rely 177 Ø+P stranded -token (11) a data source on Ø I can rely ICE-GB result: expected implications: (2) = (3)? / that WH- 5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
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2.X-PP relationship: ICE-data showed: difference between adjunct PPs claim: P stranding restricted to PPs which add thematic information to predicates/events = processing constraint: allows integration of P within VP 5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
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2.X-PP relationship: Categorical effect of non-θ-WH-PP Adjuncts -tokens: a)just P+WH / no that/Ø+P in ICE-GB: e.g. manner adjunct PPs: (12)a. the ways in which the satire is achieved b. the ways which/that/Ø the satire is achieved in 5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
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2.X-PP relationship: Categorical effect of θ-WH-PP Adjuncts -tokens: b)just P+WH / but that/Ø+P in ICE-GB: e.g. locative PP adjuncts (13)a. … the world that I was working in and studying in b. … the world in which I was working and studying 5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
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Claim: comparison of WH- vs that/Ø shows: P can only be stranded if: PP adds thematic information to predicates/events [= can be semantically integrated by head of RC] e.g.: manner & degree adjuncts: compare events “to other possible events of V-ing” (Ernst 2002: 59) don’t add thematic participant P strand with these: systematic gap 5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
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Claim: comparison of WH- vs that/Ø shows: P can only be stranded if: PP adds thematic information to predicates/events [= can be semantically integrated by head of RC] e.g.: locative adjuncts: add thematic participant WH+P with these: accidental gap 5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
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Comparison of WH- vs that/Ø good evidence, but: “negative data” problem further corroborating evidence needed Introspection: Magnitude Estimation study 5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
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relative judgements (reference sentence) informal, restrictive RCs tested for: P-PLACEMENT(P strand, P pied-piped ) RELATIVIZER (WH-, that-, Ø-) X-PP (V Prep, PP Temp/Loc_Adjunct, PP Manner/Degree_Adjunct ) tokens counterbalanced: 6 material groups a 18 tokens + 36 filler = 54 tokens tokens randomized (Web-Exp-software) N = 36 BE native speakers (sex: 18m, 18f / age: 17-64) 6. Magnitude Estimation: RC I
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18 filler sentences: ungrammatical a.That’s a tape I sent them that done I’ve myself (word order violation; original source: ) b.There was lots of activity that goes on there (subject contact clause; original source: ) c.There are so many people who needs physiotherapy (subject-verb agreement error; original source: ) 6. Magnitude Estimation: RC I
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ANOVA: significant effects P-PLACEMENT: F(1,33) = 4.536, p < 0.05 RELATIVIZER: F(2,66) = 17.149, p < 0.001 P-PLACEMENT*X-PP: F(2,66) = 9.740, p < 0.001 P-PLACEMENT*RELATIVIZER: F(2,66) = 4.217, p < 0.02 6. Magnitude Estimation: RC I
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Fig. 1: Magnitude estimation result for P + relativizer P+WH >> P+that > P+Ø
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Fig. 2: Magnitude estimation result for P + relativizer compared with fillers P+that & P+Ø = ungrammatical fillers violation of “hard constraint” (Sorace & Keller 2005)
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Fig. 3: Magnitude estimation result for relativizer + P WH + P= that + P = Ø + P V Prep > PP Temp/Loc > PP Man/Deg
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Fig. 3: Magnitude estimation result for relativizer + P V Prep > PP Temp/Loc > PP Man/Deg >> ungrammatical filler violation of “soft constraint” (Sorace & Keller 2005)
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6. Magnitude Estimation: RC I Corroborating evidence: corpus: man/deg PPs: no P stranded (not even with that/ ) semantic constraint on P stranded experiment: man/deg PPs worst environment for P stranded yet:better than ungrammatical fillers (soft constraint violation: processing effect)
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6. Magnitude Estimation: RC I What type of hard constraint is P + that? Sag 1997: case assignment restriction *P + that = *P + who new Magnitude Estimation experiment
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informal, restrictive RCs, just V Prep tested for: P-PLACEMENT(P strand, P pied-piped, P doubled ) RELATIVIZER (who, whom, that-, Ø-) COMPLEXITY (simple, long-distance Ø- and that-C) tokens counterbalanced: 36 material groups a 36 tokens + 48 filler = 84 tokens tokens randomized (Web-Exp-software) N = so far: 13 BE native speakers in progress no in-depth statistical analysis 7. Magnitude Estimation: RC II
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Fig. 4: Magnitude estimation result for all relativizers
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P + that P + who
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7. Magnitude Estimation: RC II if experiment shows *P + that *P + who 3 separate constructions?: (that i )... P i wh- i... P i P wh- i... t i
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In addition to PP-types and Formality effects, variable corpus data (450 finite WH-token) exhibited two more effects (Hoffmann fc.): 1.NP-contained PPs favour pied piping 0.964 2.restrictive RC favour pied piping: (weight: 0.592) nonrestrictive RC clearly inhibit pied piping (i.e. favour stranding; weight: 0.248) (Model: Fit:X-square: p = 0,5610 / R 2 = 0,92 / multiple adjusted R 2 = 0,90 / Cross-validation estimate of accuracy = 0.916) 8. Corpus Study III: Variable RC data
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Note: both processing effects 1.NP-contained PPs favour pied piping: NP itself contained in VP: P strand complexity [cf. also Cowart 1997] 2.nonrestrictive RC favour stranding: filler-gap identification process in non-restrictive relative clauses less complex than in restrictive relative clauses (Hawkins 2004: 240ff.) less complexity P strand 8. Corpus Study III: Variable RC data
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Preposition stranding: non-canonical English structure some properties of P stranding attributable to processing complexity: Q > RC non-restrictive > RC restrictive V Prep > thematic PP Adjunct > non- thematic PP Adjunct others call for specific constructions: formality effect with RCs that-/ -RCs 8. Conclusion
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9. References Aarts, B. 2000. "Corpus linguistics, Chomsky and Fuzzy Tree Fragments". In Christian Mair and Marianne Hundt, eds. 2000. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory. Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 5-13. Bard, E.G. et al. 1996. “Magnitude Estimation of Linguistic acceptability”. Language 72:32-68. Bergh, G. & A. Seppänen. 2000. “Preposition stranding with wh-relatives: A historical survey”. English Language and Linguistics 4:295-316. Cowart, W. 1997. Experimental Syntax: Applying Objective Methods to Sentence Judgements. Thousand Oaks: Sage. Gries, S.Th. 2002. “Preposition stranding in English: Predicting speakers' behaviour”. In V. Samiian, ed. Proceedings of the Western Conference on Linguistics. Vol. 12. California State University, Fresno, CA, 230-241 Hawkins, J. A. 2004. Efficiency and Complexity in Grammars. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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9. References Hoffmann, T. 2005. "Variable vs. categorical Effects: Preposition pied piping and stranding in British English relative clauses". Journal of English Linguistics 33,3: 257-297. Hoffmann, T. fc. “’I need data which I can rely on’. Corroborating Empirical Evidence on preposition placement in English relative clauses”. W. Sternefeld et al., eds. Linguistic Evidence 2006. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter Huddleston, R. et al. 2002. “Relative constructions and unbound dependencies”. In: G.K. Pullum & R. Huddleston, eds. The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1031-1096. Jackendoff, R. 2002. Foundations of Language: Brain, Meaning, Grammar, Evolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nelson, G. et al. 2002. Exploring Natural Language: Working with the British Component of the International Corpus of English. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: Benjamins. Pesetsky, D. 1998. “Some principles of sentence production”. In: Pilar Barbosa et al., eds. Is the Best Good Enough? Optimality and Competition in Syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 337-83.
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9. References Pickering, M. & G. Barry. 1991. “Sentence processing without empty categories”. Language and Cognitive Processes 6:229-259. Quirk, R. et al. 1985. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman. Robinson, J. et al. 2001. “GOLDVARB 2001: A Multivariate Analysis Application for Windows”. Sag, I.A. 1997. “English relative constructions”. Journal of Linguistics 33:431-484. Sampson, G. 2001. Empirical Linguistics. London, New York: Continuum. Trotta, J. 2000. Wh-clauses in English: Aspects of Theory and Description. Amsterdam and Philadelphia, GA: Rodopi. Van der Auwera, J. 1985. “Relative that — a centennial dispute”. Journal of Linguistics 21:149-179.
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