1. History of the Region
Birthplace of civilization
Mesopotamia
Silk Road

4. Central Asia sits as a crossroads, which means it has also come under control various times in history
Religious groups
Mongol forces
Soviet Union
Between 1206 and his death in 1227, the Mongol leader Genghis Khan conquered nearly 12 million square miles of territory—more than any individual in history. Along the way, he cut a ruthless path through Asia and Europe that left untold millions dead, but he also modernized Mongolian culture, embraced religious freedom and helped open contact between East and West. Explore 10 facts about a great ruler who was equal parts military genius, political statesman and bloodthirsty terror

5. It is the birthplace of three major religions
Islam
Christianity
Judaism

6. This region has undergone rapid, forced change since World War I
over the past 2,000 years
Because of the West
The map of the Middle East was shaped by World War I
The Triple Alliance/Central Powers: Germany Austro-Hungary Italy The Triple Entente: Britain France Russia The USA then joined the Triple Entente and Italy swapped sides. The Ottoman Empire was also part of the The Triple Alliance/Central Powers.
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7. After WWI, the large Ottoman Empire was broken up by European powers
Mandate System
France took Syria and Lebanon
Great Britain took Palestine, Iraq, and Jordan
France and Great Britain became “keepers” of large pieces of the Middle East
Hence, Ottoman empire
ruled by a Sultan
Because of loss during the war, this empire eventually lost power…
Prior to World War I, the Middle East was made up of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious state (Ottoman Empire)
Under this system, the region became divided (geometrically among European powers, specifically two:
Great Britain
France
The result was the mandate system of the League of Nations, established by the treaties ending World War I. Under this system, the victors of World War I were given responsibility for governing former German and Ottoman territories as mandates from the League. The ultimate goal was development of each mandate toward eventual independence. This goal was tempered, some would argue, by the fact that mandates were awarded with full consideration of both public and secret agreements made during the war
Article 22 of the League's covenant required that the conditions of mandates vary with the character of each territory. This resulted in the establishment of three classes of mandate. Class A mandates were those to be provisionally recognized as independent until they proved able to stand on their own. Class B mandates were those further from qualifying for independence and for which the mandatory powers took on full responsibility for administration and promotion of the material and moral welfare of the inhabitants. Class C mandates were those whose best interests were to be served by integration into the territories of the mandatory power, with due consideration being given to the interests of the inhabitants.
The Ottoman territories in the Middle East became Class A mandates
Although few would have predicted it in the early 1920s, all of the Class A mandates achieved independence as provided under the conditions of the mandates. The first was Iraq in 1932, although Britain retained significant diplomatic and military concessions. Syria and Lebanon followed in 1941 as World War II was getting under way. In March 1946, just before the formal dissolution of the League of Nations and transfer of its assets to the United Nations, the Treaty of London granted independence to Transjordan as the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. Only Palestine was left to the United Nations under its trusteeship program, and in 1947, Britain presented this thorny problem to the UN General Assembly for resolution. The result was approval of a plan for the partition of Palestine into two Arab and Jewish states and an international city of Jerusalem. Subsequent events precluded implementation of this plan, but since 1949, Israel has been a member of the United Nations Read more: Read more:
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8. So, European nations started dictating the lives of Middle Easterners
US was sought by
locals to help
Middle Easterners were upset with this westernization and turned to the U.S. as their potential “hero”
…and America was interested in getting involved…for three reasons:
First, you get buried. Iran’s Islamic Penal Code states that men convicted of adultery are to be buried in the ground up to their waists; women, up to their chests. If the conviction is based on the prisoner’s confession, the law says, the presiding judge casts the first stone. If the conviction is based on witness testimony, the witnesses throw the first stones, then the judge, then everyone else—generally other court officials and security forces. Stones must be of medium size, according to the penal code: Not so big that one or two could kill the person, but not so small that you would call it a pebble. In other words, about the size of a tangerine.
Iran 2010

9. US got involved because
Oil interests
Stop foreign domination
1. To secure oil interests
2. To stop any single power from dominating the region
3. To stop terrorism
Stop terrorism (later)
Promote human rights (later)

10. After World War II, many Middle Eastern countries gained full independence, though it has not meant full peace

11. In Central Asia, several received independence from the Soviet Union in 1991

12. Regional Governments
There are three major organized forms of government found in this region:

13. 1. Some states are still ruled by a royal family
King Abdullah II (Jordan)
King Salman bin Abdulaziz al-Saud (S.A.)
Saudi Arabia has been ruled since its foundation by the Al-Saud dynasty.
King Salman bin Abdulaziz al-Saudof Saudi Arabia
King Salman bin Abdulaziz al-Saud ascended the throne in January 2015 following the death of his half-brother, King Abdullah.
One of the main differences between Saudi men's dress and that of Westerners is the unique headdress that the men wear. A Saudi man's headdress consists of:
A tagiyah: This small white cap prevents the ghutra from slipping from the head.
A ghutra: This is a large, square-shaped cloth, typically made of cotton. It's folded over the tagiyah; its ends can be used to protect the face in the event of sandstorms. It is normally white or red-and-white checked. Men fold them into a triangle shape before placing on the head.
An iqal: This doubled black cord holds the ghutra in place.
While the long thobe and the head covering seem to be a lot of clothing, they're perfect for the hot, dry climate that Saudis live in. Because they experience sandstorms, these protective garments help keep Saudis from suffering damage due to the weather. In addition, the strict religious customs demand that Saudis dress with modesty.
Joranian king:
The 41st-generation direct descendant of the Prophet Mohammad (peace be upon him), His Majesty King Abdullah II assumed his constitutional powers as monarch on 7 February 1999.
Following the leadership legacy of his father, the late King Hussein, King Abdullah has made the welfare of Jordan’s people the cornerstone of his policies for national development, regional peace and global coexistence. The King’s special concern for the future of Jordan’s young people has put youth engagement, education and opportunity at the top of his agenda. At home, he has paired economic reforms with political liberalisation and an innovative program of national development. He has overseen sweeping educational reforms, which today are energising Jordan's private sector and preparing Jordan's youth for global competitiveness and leadership.
To provide real solutions to Jordan’s pressing economic needs, King Abdullah ushered in a new era of structural reform and modernisation, integration with the world economy and globalisation. The King has worked to bring together the public and private sectors – both domestic and global – through large-scale joint initiatives aimed at meeting the urgent challenges of job creation, opportunity for Jordan's young population and poverty alleviation. King Abdullah personally championed Jordan's accession to the World Trade Organisation, presided over Jordan’s becoming the first Arab country to sign a free trade agreement with the United States and has forged new bilateral and multilateral economic alliances with countries from Asia to Latin America.
In diplomatic affairs, King Abdullah has been the voice of Jordan’s progressive policies to expand global justice and cooperation. Taking up the historical role of the Hashemite Family, he has championed the rights, achievements and values of Muslims worldwide. In 2004, he worked with leading Islamic scholars to release the Amman Message, reaching a global audience with Islam's guiding principles of peace, tolerance and dialogue among faiths.
In the footsteps of the late King Hussein, King Abdullah renewed a firm commitment to peace in the region on the basis of the two-state solution and the establishment of a viable, independent and geographically contiguous Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, living in peace alongside Israel, in accordance with UN resolutions and the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative.
King Abdullah is the eldest son of His Majesty King Hussein Bin Talal ( ) and Her Royal Highness Princess Muna Al Hussein. Born in Amman on 30 January 1962, he is the namesake of King Abdullah I, his great-grandfather, the founder of modern Jordan.
King Abdullah began his education at the Islamic Educational College in Amman. He later attended St. Edmund's School in Surrey, England, and concluded his high school education at Deerfield Academy in the United States. Later, he pursued advanced studies at Pembroke College, Oxford, and Georgetown University.
The young prince was a man of action on the athletic field and the training ground. In 1980, he enrolled in the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst (UK) and was commissioned as second lieutenant in He served in the British Army in the 13/18th Royal Hussars Regiment, with duties as a reconnaissance troop leader in the United Kingdom and Germany.
In 1985, then-Prince Abdullah returned to Jordan to serve in the armed forces (Armoured Corps, 3rd Division). Rising through the ranks to lieutenant-colonel, he attended advanced military courses in both Jordan and the UK. Among other duties, he served on attachment to the Special Forces and qualified as a Cobra attack helicopter pilot. After service as commander of the 2nd Armoured Battalion, 40th Armoured Brigade, he was named deputy commander, Jordanian Special Forces, in January 1993.
In November 1993, Prince Abdullah became commander of Jordan's Special Forces. In 1996, he was given the task of reorganising the Special Forces and other elite units into the new Special Operations Command (SOCOM). In 1998, as SOCOM commander, he was promoted to the rank of major general.
In his off-duty hours, the Prince became well known for his interest in land, sea and air sports, including free-fall parachuting. He shared his father's passion for cars and motorcycles and became a Jordan National Rally champion. Today, he continues to enjoy aquatic sports, including boating and scuba diving. During his time in the military, King Abdullah also developed an interest in ancient weapons and today, he maintains a world-class collection of military artefacts.
King Abdullah’s service in the army was always a source of personal pride and his respect for those who serve their nation has been a conspicuous quality of his leadership. Today, the King describes Jordan's armed forces as the “foremost symbol of honour, bravery, sacrifice and belonging."
During his years as an army officer, then-Prince Abdullah was regularly dispatched on official diplomatic and military missions. He also frequently served his country in the capacity of regent in King Hussein's absence.
In 1993, then-Prince Abdullah met Rania Al-Yassin. Six months later, the couple were engaged and they married on 10 June As a princess, Queen Rania began the powerful social work and advocacy which she continues to this day. The Royal Couple's first child, Prince Hussein, the Crown Prince, was born on 28 June Since then, they have had three more children: Princess Iman (27 September 1996); Princess Salma (26 September 2000); and Prince Hashem (30 January 2005).
MOROCCO: Mohammed VI (Arabic: محمد السادس‎, born 21 August 1963)[1] is the current King of Morocco. He ascended to the throne on 23 July 1999 upon the death of his father, King Hassan II.[2] His birthday is a public holiday,[3] although festivities were cancelled upon the death of his aunt in 2014.[Mohammed was the second child and oldest son of Hassan II and his second wife, Lalla Latifa Hammou.[5] On the day of his birth, Mohammed was appointed Heir Apparent and Crown Prince.[6] His father was keen on giving him a religious and political education from an early age— at the age of four, he started attending the Qur'anic school at the Royal Palace.[1]
Kuwait Sabah IV Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah GCB (Hon) (Arabic: الشيخ صباح الأحمد الجابر الصباح born 16 June 1929) is the 15th Ruler and 5th Emir of Kuwait and the Commander of the Military of Kuwait. He was sworn in on 29 January 2006 after confirmation by the National Assembly of Kuwait. He is the fourth son of Sheikh Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah.
U.S. President Barack Obama welcomed his first Arab leader to the White House Tuesday. He met with Jordanian King Abdullah II, who is on a working tour of the United States. (upper right)
Kuwaiti Emir, Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmed al-Sabah in the Oval Office at the White House. (lower right)
Mohammad VI of Morocco with wife
Overall, it is also important to note that religion plays a major role in Middle Eastern politics
King Mohammad VI (Morocco)
Emir Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmed (Ku)

14. 2. Some states are or have been run by a strong leader of a dominant political party
Bashar Hafez al-Assad (Arabic: بشار حافظ الأسد‎ Baššār Ḥāfiẓ al-ʾAsad,  pronunciation (help·info)Levantine pronunciation: [baʃˈʃaːr ˈħaːfezˤ elˈʔasad]; born 11 September 1965)[1] is the President of Syria, commander-in-chief of Syrian Armed Forces, General Secretary of the ruling Ba'ath Party and Regional Secretary of the party's branch in Syria. He has served as President since 2000, when he succeeded his father, Hafez al-Assad, who led Syria for 30 years until his death.
Syria's leader is Bashar Al-Asad
“GOOD morning!” beamed the presenter on Syrian television. “The morning of democracy!” replied a jovial correspondent at a polling station, as Bashar Assad, Syria’s president, went to the ballot box on June 3rd. Winning a third seven-year term with 89% of votes cast, Mr Assad hopes that the election, which took place only in the half of the populated territory that his forces more or less control, will give his regime fresh legitimacy. More to the point, it demonstrated that he has been holding ground militarily and may even have begun to turn back the rebel opposition’s territorial tide.
Progress has been slow, but over the past nine months or so the regime has advanced on the ground, thanks largely to Hizbullah, the Lebanese Shias’ militia, to assorted mercenaries and to an Iranian-trained parallel army known as the National Defence Force. A year ago the rebels were driven out of Qusayr, on the border with Lebanon. By March this year they had been evicted from Qalamoun, cutting a rebel supply line. Now they are in danger of being strangled in Aleppo, the northern city that has been divided between the regime and rebels for the past two years.
Why Bashar Assad is still in charge
In this section
An awkward new government
Make more babies
Drawing the battle lines
Too rich for its own good
Show who’s boss
Almost nobody wants to help
Let the people benefit, for once
The regime’s forces rely on foreign support (mainly from Iran and Russia) and brutal tactics, including the use of sarin gas and barrel-bombs against civilians and the banning of aid crossing into Syria from Turkey. But Mr Assad has other advantages, too. He has a clearer strategy than the opposition’s. He has more consistent as well as more generous backing from his allies. And he is not hamstrung by the internal divisions from which the rebels suffer.
Reprints
For the past six months or so, the rebels have been diverted from their war against Mr Assad by having to open a second front against the Islamic State of Iraq and Greater Syria (ISIS), the most extreme of the jihadist groups and the one that has inducted the biggest number of foreigners. Even Jabhat al-Nusra, which al-Qaeda has blessed as its main affiliate in Syria, has been fighting against ISIS.
The presence of jihadists had previously deterred potential supporters in the West and in the Gulf from sending in more military aid, since they were unsure where it might end up. Turkey, which controls the main supply routes to the rebels, closed three crossings held by ISIS. It also blacklisted Jabhat al-Nusra as a terrorist group.
More recently, however, the mainstream rebels’ allies—chiefly the United States, Britain, France, Qatar and Saudi Arabia—have begun to expand their efforts to help those they consider worthy of support. They have been chuffed by the rebels’ war on ISIS. And they are co-ordinating efforts to help them better. An increasing number of vetted fighters in both the north and south of Syria have been trained in Jordan, Qatar and Saudi Arabia, given money to pay salaries, and supplied with anti-tank weapons, albeit so far in limited quantities. Meanwhile, Gulf donors are said to have cut off funds to some of the more zealous Islamist groups, including the Islamist Front, a coalition dominated by Ahrar al-Sham, a Salafist outfit.
As a result, the rebels, especially those who have been getting renewed support, have made small advances—in northern Hama province, in southern Idleb and western Aleppo, as well as in Quneitra, close to the border with Israel. The aid that has lately been given has been too little to shift the national balance of power markedly, but it has altered the dynamic among the rebels. Moderate groups that did not exist before, such as Harakat Hazm, or which had almost been extinguished six months ago, such as the Syrian Revolutionary Front, have been revived and bolstered.
At the same time other groups, including Islamist ones, have been scrambling to portray themselves as more moderate. On May 17th a coalition of them signed a document of principles. “The aim is to restate the original goals of the revolution—to topple the regime and to win freedom,” says Muhib al-Deen al-Shami of the Islamic Front’s political office in Istanbul. A southern front, an alignment of moderate groups from Damascus and farther south, has also drawn up a code of ethics.
From the point of view of Western governments, especially the American one, the biggest worry is that the civil war could lead to a spread of terrorism—back home as well as in Syria. Hence their keenness to see ISIS pegged back by more moderate rebels. Since January ISIS has been pushed out of Idleb province and Aleppo city, and has had to withdraw to the countryside east of that city and back to its stronghold in Raqqa, farther east, the only provincial capital entirely out of Mr Assad’s hands.
ISIS, for its part, has barely been battling against the regime while it sets up an intelligence force and tussles with rival insurgents for Deir ez-Zor, another eastern city; indeed, there are signs that it tacitly co-operates with Mr Assad’s regime. Some anti-ISIS rebel groups reckon up to half of their forces have been diverted to this second front. ISIS is buoyed up by huge ransoms for journalists it has kidnapped. When it has clashed with government forces, its aim has been to capture weapons rather than territory. “These are the days of criminals,” says a pharmacist in Deir ez-Zor. “Assad and ISIS are winning.”
Magariaf is the leader of the National Front Party, which won three seats in the 2012 election, and he was previously well known for having founded and been the first leader of the National Front for the Salvation of Libya against the regime of Muammar Gaddafi
Muammar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi, commonly known as Colonel Gaddafi, was a Libyan revolutionary and politician, and the de facto ruler of Libya for 42 years. Died in 2011
Veteran Iraqi politician Fuad Masum was overwhelmingly elected by parliament in July He is the second ethnic Kurdish president of Iraq, succeeding Jalal Talabani.
Fuad Masum was elected president in July 2014
President: Fuad Masum
He went on to be speaker of the Iraqi parliament in , following the fall of Saddam Hussein.
A former law lecturer, President Masum is a founding member of Mr Talabani's Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, and served as its envoy in Syria and Britain before becoming prime minister of the Iraqi Kurdistan region in 1992.
Born in 1938, he is the son of Sheikh Mulla Masum, a former head of the Association of Muslim Scholars in Kurdistan, and belongs to an established political dynasty with Muslim clerical links.
Haider al-Abadi became prime minister in September 2014
Prime Minister: Haider al-Abadi
President Masum is well-connected with parties and groups across the Iraqi political spectrum.
Outgoing prime minister Nouri Maliki initially opposed the appointment of his party colleague as a "coup", but gave in when Shia community leaders and the US backed Mr al-Abadi.
A veteran politician from the Shia State of Law party, Mr al-Abadi was deputy speaker of parliament when President Masum asked him to form a government in the summer of 2014.
It was hoped this would help build the consensus needed to enable the country to face the common threat represented by Islamic State, which by the end of 2014 had advanced into northern and central Iraq.
Improved relations between the Iraqi and Kurdish leaderships made possible the signing of a deal in December 2014 on sharing Iraq's oil wealth and military resources.
Mr al-Abadi heads a cabinet with Sunni and Kurdish support, something Mr al-Maliki lacked.
Muhammad Fuad Masum is the seventh and current President of Iraq, in office since He is a veteran Kurdish politician and was elected as President following the 2014 parliamentary election
He failed to hold back the jihadist insurgents after US troops left in 2011, and lost support after Islamic State captured Mosul and moved on central Iraq in the summer of 2014.
Mr al-Maliki was prime minister from 2006, and alienated Kurds and Sunnis with his firmly Shia orientation.
Fuad Masum --Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti (Arabic: صدام حسين عبد المجيد التكريتي Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītī;[3] 28 April 1937[4] – 30 December 2006) was the fifth President of Iraq, serving in this capacity from 16 July 1979 until 9 April 2003.[5][6] A leading member of the revolutionary Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, and later, the Baghdad-based Ba'ath Party and its regional organisation Ba'ath Party – Iraq Region—which espoused ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism—Saddam played a key role in the 1968 coup (later referred to as the 17 July Revolution) that brought the party to power in Iraq.
Bashar Al-Assad (Syria)
Saddam Hussein (Iraq)
Muammar al-Gaddafi (Libya)

15. 3. But most states are democracies with presidents and elected legislatures
Some are more “superficial” than others
They use anti-Western rhetoric appeals to the public
They may use oil money for social, welfare spending
Because not every republic is truly democratic, some political leaders create ways to gain legitimacy in the eyes of their people…
They urge feelings of brotherhood
The Society of the Muslim Brothers, often simply الإخوان Al-Ikhwān, The Brotherhood or MB) is an Islamist transnational movement and the largest political opposition organization in many Arab states.  The group is the world’s oldest and largest Islamic political group, and the “world’s most influential Islamist movement.”  It was founded in 1928 in Egypt by the schoolteacher Hassan al-Banna.
They unite under regional or political matters
Many current members of Al-Qaeda were and are members of the movement. 
By RFE/RL staff Posted on Fri, 29 April :02 | 1
Central Asian Governments Preparing for their Own "Arab Spring"
Like the Middle East and North Africa, Central Asia also suffers from poverty, corruption, heavy-handed governments, widespread unemployment, and scant opportunities for the young. All too aware of the similarities, governments there are already taking measures to prevent public upheaval of the kind that has shaken the Arab world.
"I want to reiterate that the wise people of Tajikistan, who were once the victims of such events, know the meaning of peace and stability. They are aware of the importance of peace and stability," he added. "They have gone through civil wars; therefore, they reject military solutions to any problem."
"Much has been said and written about the possibility of the repetition of such events in Central Asia," Tajik President Emomali Rahmon said before parliament on April 20.
With nearly 8 million inhabitants, landlocked Tajikistan is one of the poorest of the five "stans" in Central Asia. Though Tajik leaders might well deny it, the country has already experienced its first Facebook-organized protest. About 30 people took part in the brief demonstration on April 8 in the capital, Dushanbe.
According to the same source, memos circulated by Yetar call for potential participants to gather in Tashkent's central Mustakillik (Independence) Square early on July 1. The group is asking people to bring bedding, tents, radios, and enough food to last for several days.
Now the little-known Uzbek youth group Yetar (Enough) is planning to organize similar demonstrations in Tashkent, the capital of the most populous country in Central Asia, uznews.com reported on April 14.
"If you have to go to work, tell them [your officers] that you're at work, but find an excuse not to work," Yuldashev says. "They [the government] can't do anything to you. They'll pay your salary. Or just stay at home. The bottom line is that if there's any [official] order, don't obey it." Regardless of the outcome, Yuldashev says, the opposition's efforts are increasing the government's wariness and inspiring its readiness to crack down on critics.
Tashpulat Yuldashev, an Uzbek activist and former Soviet diplomat, confirmed the reports about preparations for a protest, but would comment only that it would "be held strictly within the legal framework of the country."
Uzbek Civil Disobedience
Saidjamol Masayaidov, the assistant dean of Tashkent Islamic University; Najimuddin Hasanov, the imam of Tashkent's Jurabek Mosque; and Jabborali Nurmuratov, the imam of the Yalangoch Mosque are just a few figures who have been removed from their posts recently, the Haraket news agency reported on April 7.
Several bookstores specializing in Islamic literature have been raided by security forces, and a number of Islamic scholars with Middle Eastern academic backgrounds have been removed from their official positions.
Press reports suggest that government pressure on religious circles has intensified in recent days.
Like his Uzbek counterpart Islam Karimov, Turkmen President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov is enforcing a complete news blackout when it comes to reports about the Arab uprisings.
Like Uzbekistan, neighboring Turkmenistan is also yet to see actual cases of street protests. But the government of this energy-rich republic of 4.5 million people is taking measures nonetheless.
Growing Tension In Turkmenistan
With all traditional media already under tight state control, the government has now taken an extra step to maintain its hold over information by canceling a contract with the Russian company MTS, which until lately was the main source of communications for more than 80 percent of all Turkmen mobile-phone and Internet users.
Rumors are circulating among Turkmen students overseas that any of them who return home for visits might not be allowed to leave again. And there are signs that the government in the Turkmen capital of Ashgabat might also be stepping up monitoring of citizens living outside the country.
Meanwhile, according to Human Rights Watch, Turkmen authorities have detained at least four people since early March for apparently political reasons.
Several local sources say that government officials have recently been paying unexpected visits to Turkmen families who have loved ones studying abroad. The visitors ask about the absent family members, requesting detailed information about their location, employment status, and finances.
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Farit Tukhbatulin, head of the Vienna-based Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights, says that he sees a connection between these measures in Turkmenistan and recent events in some Arab countries. "If we look at those rumors, they emerged following the uprisings in the Arab countries," he says. "I think the reason for the monitoring [by Turkmen officials] is [to know] that those revolutions aren't coming to us [Turkmenistan]; if it's reaching us [the government] should be aware of it."
So far the situation in Kazakhstan appears relatively calm. In a recent interview with RFE/RL, Kazakhstan's ambassador to the United States, Erlan Idrissov, insisted that the government had little to fear: "Addressing the needs of the people is our priority, so we have no reason to worry."
Kazakh Solidity, Or Fragility?
"My personal account of what is going on in the Middle East is the rise of a young generation that was not given a chance to run its own destiny," Idrissov added. "In some countries, they highlighted economic unhappiness; in other countries they highlighted political unhappiness. We in Kazakhstan are secure against this because [President Nursultan] Nazarbaev and his team have addressed these issues as part of their long-term policy."
He has been in power since the country achieved independence in 1991, and he clearly has no desire to leave the presidential palace any time soon. (Indeed, he recently declared his intention to stay on in power until an unlikely prospect at best, considering that he is already 74.)
Among them are corruption and a lack of freedom of the media, speech, and politics. Like the leaders of some Arab countries, Nazarbaev has been in power for decades and shows little inclination to step down.
The comparatively positive financial and social situation of Kazakhstan may distinguish it from the tottering regimes of the Middle East and North Africa in that respect, but there are certain similarities nonetheless.
His determination to remain in office is not only likely to make him one of the world's longest-serving leaders, but also diminishes the likelihood of any serious political reforms. A deficit of reform and the persistence of leaders in power have been two of the main themes of protest in Middle Eastern and North African countries.
In little Kyrgyzstan, meanwhile, the threat comes less from revolutionary upheaval -- a phenomenon already familiar in that country -- than the possibility of renewed ethnic clashes between the titular Kyrgyz nationality and minority Uzbeks.
Reform, Or Tighter Control?
In Turkmenistan, President Berdymukhammedov has recently been ordering relevant officials to find ways to recognize academic degrees obtained from foreign institutions. The issue is important because the refusal to accept non-Turkmen degrees often prevents young Turkmen who have studied outside the country from obtaining jobs at home, serving as an oft-cited source of frustration.
Yuldashev, the former Soviet diplomat, says that Uzbekistan's President Karimov is shifting some of his authority to loyal subordinates, a strategy he thinks is aimed at binding them more tightly to the leader.
The pronounced ethnic, social, and linguistic differences that exist among the five Central Asian republics complicate any generalizations about the likelihood of potential protest movements.
Anthony Bowyer, program manager for the Europe and Asia Division at the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, sees a different approach at work in Tajikistan. "President Rahmon has recently been seen making an effort to explain the reason behind the severe energy crises and acknowledging the problem," he notes.
So predicting what happens next in Central Asia remains a challenge. Given that protests have already broken out in other countries in the neighborhood, including Iran, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, the prospect cannot be entirely discounted. What is already manifest, though, is that governments in the region are doing their best to leave nothing to chance.
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By. Muhammad Tahir