1. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Workshop on the discourse functions of demonstratives
University of Oslo, Oslo, June 2018
Merlijn Breunesse and Holger Diessel

2. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Introduction
Demonstratives in different syntactic positions (Diessel 1999):
I want this (pronominal)
I want to buy this carton of milk (adnominal)
I want to park my car here (adverbial)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

3. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Introduction
Demonstratives occur in different syntactic positions (Diessel 1999)
Demonstratives can have situational and discourse deictic reference (Himmelmann 1996):
My mother said that I ate all the cookies, but that is not true
What I did next was this: I opened the door and went in
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

4. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Introduction
Demonstratives occur in different syntactic positions (Diessel 1999)
Demonstratives may have discourse deictic reference (Himmelmann 1996)
Demonstratives develop into various grammatical markers:
Definite articles (e.g. Himmelmann 1997, Laury 1997)
Clause-combining devices:
I think it is going to rain. Therefore I will take an umbrella with me.
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

5. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
TYPE I:
Pronominal or adverbial position
Deictic (endophoric) reference
Subgroup A: Demonstrative + case marker/adposition
Dutch: daarom, daardoor, daarna
English: thereby, therefore
German: dadurch, dafür
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

6. TYPE I: subgroup A: dem. + case marker/adp.
Awa Pit: suna and suna=akwa
suna kii-ma-t i
that:one marry-comp-pfpart be.(nonlocut)
‘He [lit. that one; MB] is married.’ (Curnow 1997: 232)
ap kwankwa ii-ma-tɨ
my grandmother die-comp-term
suna=akwa yal mazh-ma-t i-s
that=because house change-comp-pfpart be-locut
‘My grandmother died. We moved because of that.’ (Curnow 1997: 143)
Suna = endophoric
Suna = pronoun, NOT determiner
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

7. TYPE I: subgroup A: dem. + case marker/adp.
Different markers  different relationships Menya: dem. + ‘given’ + contrastive marker  adversative Iŋä qe mäkä äunäpu äkasuwä i=ŋi qe mäkä ä-u-n-ät-pu äkasuwä that=gvn but fight ass-shoot-detr-sr-23p/csr anger ätnäpu mauyäqŋqä iqäpn ä-t-n-ät-pu ma-uyäqn-qä i-q-p-ni ass-say-detr-sr-23p-csr neg-divide-dvzr do-pfv-23p/irr-fut ‘But y'all are not to fight, argue and divide yourselves.’ (Whitehead 2005: 171)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

8. TYPE I: subgroup A: dem. + case marker/adp.
Different markers  different relationships
Menya: dem. + ‘given’ + contrastive marker  adversative
Galo: dem. + ABL  continuity
okə́...omeə̀...ók bɨ̂ɨkə...gacâako, əttám okkə́əkú, olô kakú,
okkə́ə omèe=əə okə́ bɨ̀ɨ-kə̀ gá-càa-kò
Scnj kid=top anap.abl 3.sg-gen scale-ascend-nzr:loc
əttám okə́=əə=kú ò-lòo-káa-kú
cliff.sloping anap.abl=top=cmpl fall-descend-pf-cmpl
'So then, the boy... from the place where he had climbed up, fell down,[…].’ (Post 2007: 370)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

9. TYPE I: subgroup A: dem. + case marker/adp.
Different markers  different relationships
Menya: dem. + ‘given’ + contrastive marker  adversative
Galo: dem. + ABL  continuity  conjunctive connective
boló nəmɨ̂...alûm bolò,ók ikî əəcín ók omîŋ gəkà
bolò nəmɨ̀ɨ alum bolò okkə́ə ikìi əə=cin
dst.loc.dn grass cluster dst.loc.n scnj dog top=add
okə́ ò-mín-gə́-káa
anap.abl fall-join-comt-pf
‘[…] down amidst the grass down there, and the dog also fell from there with him.' (Post 2007: 370)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

10. TYPE I: subgroup A: dem. + case marker/adp.
Different markers  different relationships
Menya: dem. + ‘given’ + contrastive marker  adversative
Yurakaré: dem. + ABL  continuity  conjunctive connective
mi-bëjti së=ja latijsha shuyuj-ta-m
2sg-see:1sg.s 1sg.prn=emph then hidden-mid-2sg.s
‘I saw you, then you hid yourself.’ (Van Gijn 2006: 321)
mesa a-dojo=y tütü=∅ lewle latijsha baso
table 3sg.p-body=loc sit;be-3 plate then cup
'On the table, there is a plate and a cup.' (Van Gijn 2006: 321)
l-ati = endophoric
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

11. TYPE I: subgroup A: dem. + case marker/adp.
Different markers  different relationships
Bilinarra and Limilngan (Australia): source suffix  continuity
Wardaman (Australia) and Aymara Muylaq (South America): ABL  continuity
Imonda (Oceania and New Guinea): causative marker  cause
Meithei (Southeast Asia): instrumental  cause
Koyra Chiini (Africa) and Macuxi (South America): ‘after’  temporal
Urarina (South America): ‘despite’  concessive
Cf. Abkhas (purpose), Wari' (purpose), Santali (causal), Korafe (causal), Japanese (result), and Supyire (result).
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

12. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
TYPE I:
Pronominal or adverbial position
Deictic (endophoric) reference
Subgroup B: Based on manner adverbs (e.g. König 2015)
Adverbial connective
Quotative marker
Conjunction
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

13. TYPE I: subgroup B: > manner adverbs
Adverbial connective
Epena Pedee: dem. + ‘like’  manner demonstrative adverb
Ẽe-tʰaa-dáma a-hí má-ga harrapisía dig^out-OBJ-HORT say-PST that-like hunger
nipá-I kʰãyáara
walk-might than
'"Let's pluck it out (your eye), rather than have you walk along in hunger like that!" he said.' (Harms 1994: 26)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

14. TYPE I: subgroup B: > manner adverbs
Adverbial connective
Epena Pedee: manner adverb + conditional relater  connective
mɨ pɨ ɨmɨkʰī́ra nawe-tú-da a-hí
I your man mother-contr-decl say-pst
ma-gá-ra pɨ mɨ pʰakʰõré-pɨ a-hí
that-like-if you my mother^in^law-cert say-pst
'"I'm your husband's mother," she said. "Then you are my mother-in-law," she replied.' (Harms 1994: 150)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

15. TYPE I: subgroup B: > manner adverbs
Quotative marker
Bariai: cataphoric manner adverb
Taine toa oa i-keo pa-n bedane,
Female GIV there S3s-say at-3sObl like.this
“Gergeu ne taine.”
child here female
‘That woman spoke to him like this, “This child is a girl.”’ (Gallagher and Baehr 2005: 157)
Other examples: African languages (Güldemann 2008); Bilinarra, Dom, Komnzo.
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

16. TYPE I: subgroup B: > manner adverbs
Quotative marker
Meithei: quotative marker  complementizer
Tombənə Tombinə mábu ŋayhəwri háybəduu
Tomba-nə Tombi-nə má-pu nay-həw-li háy-pədu
Tomba-cntr Tombi-cntr he-pat wait-start-prog say-dcomp
kawthorəmmí
kaw-thok-ləm-í
forget-out-evd-nhyp
'Tomba forgot that Tombi had been waiting for him.' (Chelliah 1997: 305)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

17. TYPE I: subgroup B: > manner adverbs
Subordinating conjunction
Dutch: manner adverb zo + ‘dat’
Ik ben mijn sokken vergeten, zodat ik nu op blote voeten moet rondlopen.
‘I have forgotten my socks, so that I now have to walk around barefoot.’
Cf. Bilinarra, Dom, Komnzo, Mayago, Taba, and Wappo.
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

18. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
TYPE I:
Pronominal or adverbial position
Deictic (endophoric) reference
TYPE II:
Determiner position
No deictic reference
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

19. TYPE II: nominalization
-pu is determiner, NOT pronoun
kwiip nya-w-aar-m
be.stormy when-3-very-DS
puuch mesheyaay
that.one-sj be.afraid
'When it's really stormy, she gets scared.' (Miller 1990: 198)
Complement clause
Jamul Diegueño: dist. -pu
wa-pu nyaach shin chaw
house-dem I.sj be.one make
‘I built that house myself’ (Miller 1990: 102)
[yaysu w-i-km paa-x] -pu uuyaaw
[while 3-say-irr.ds be.there-irr] -dem know
'I know he will be here in a while.' (Miller 1990: 146)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

20. TYPE II: nominalization
Relative clause
Assiniboine: prox. né and med. žé
[Edith pʰaǧú̜ špa̜-∅-∅-yé žé] yúta-pi wašté
Edith duck st-p3-a3-cook rel eat-psv good
'[the duck Edith cooked] tastes good.' (Cumberland 2005: 417)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

21. TYPE II: nominalization
Adverbial clauses
Yurakaré: med. =ti
ushta mala-∅=ti=jsha ku-mala-y poropesor
before go.sg-3=ds=abl 3sg.co-go.sg-1sg.s teacher
'After he had gone before, I followed the teacher.' (Van Gijn 2006: 314)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

22. TYPE II: nominalization
Adverbial clauses
Bilinarra: recognitional nyamu
[nyamu=n=nga yan.gu bin.ga-gurra, bin.ga-gurra=ma
rel=2min.s=dub go-pot river-all river-all=top
garu-walija,] warrija-lu=ma=nyjurra=nga baya-wu
child-pauc crocodile-erg=top=2aug.o=dub bite-pot
'If you go to the river, a crocodile might bite you kids.' (Meakins and Nordlinger 2014: 415)
Recognitional = determiner
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

23. TYPE II: nominalization
Adverbial clauses
Nankina: dist. –nu
Nin bisep bisep bit jipm-k-nu-si kiriman
1p time time pig kill-NOM-DEI-PUR bush
ku-wa-mʌŋ
go-PR-1p.FACT
'We frequently go to the bush for the killing of pigs.' (Spaulding and Spaulding 1994: 103)
Cf. Amele, Bilinarra, Bororo, Korafe, Lakhota, Ma’di, Mani, Nankina, Maricopa, Sawila, Wampis, and Yurakaré.
-k- is nominalizer
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

24. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Conclusion
TYPE I: pronoun/adverb with a deictic function
TYPE II: determiner without a deictic function
Evidence for two distinct types:
Languages with formally different pronouns and determiners (Awa Pit, Jamul Diegueño, Bilinarra)
Nominal nature of the determiner complement (Nankina)
Clear indication of endophoric reference (Awa Pit, Yurakaré)
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

25. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Bibliography
Chelliah, S. L. (1997). A Grammar of Meithei. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Cumberland, L. (2005). A Grammar of Assiniboine: A Siouan Language of the Northern Plains. PhD diss. Indiana University. Curnow, T. (1997). A Grammar of Awa Pit (Cuaiquer): An Indogenous Language of South-western Colombia. PhD diss. Australian National University. Diessel, H. (1999). Demonstratives: Form, Function, and Grammaticalization. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

26. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Bibliography
Gallagher, S., & Baehr, P. (2005). Bariai Grammar Sketch. Summer Institute of Linguistics. Online available at Güldemann, T. (2008). Quotative Indexes in African Languages: A Synchronic and Diachronic Survey. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Harms, P. L. (1994). Epena Pedee Syntax. Dallas/Arlington: Summer Institute of Linguistics and University of Texas at Arlington. Himmelmann, N. P. (1996). Demonstratives in narrative discourse: A taxonomy of universal uses. In B. A. Fox (Ed.), Studies in Anaphora (pp. 205–254). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

27. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Bibliography
Himmelmann, N. P. (1997). Deiktikon, Artikel, Nominalphrase: Zur Emergenz Syntaktischer Struktur. Tübingen: Niemeyer. König, E. (2015). Manner deixis as source of grammatical markers in Indo-European languages. In C. Viti (Ed.), Perspectives on historical syntax (pp. 33–60). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Laury, R. (1997). Demonstratives in Interaction: The Emergence of a Definite Article in Finnish. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Meakins, F., & Nordlinger, R. (2014). A Grammar of Bilinarra: An Australian Aboriginal Language of the Northern Territory. Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter Mouton.
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

28. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Bibliography
Miller, A. W. (1990). A Grammar of Jamul Diegueño. PhD diss. University of California at San Diego. Post, M. (2007). A Grammar of Galo. PhD diss. La Trobe University. Spaulding, C., & Spaulding, P. (1994). Phonology and Grammar of Nankina. Ukarumpa via Lae: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Van Gijn, E. (2006). A Grammar of Yurakaré. PhD diss. Radbout University Nijmegen. Whitehead, C. R. (2005). A Reference Grammar of Menya: An Angan language of Papua New Guinea. PhD diss. University of Manitoba.
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

29. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Funding
“This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions grant agreement No ”
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives

30. A typology of clause-combining demonstratives
Thank you! Questions?
A typology of clause-combining demonstratives