1. Lecture 12: Love, Sex and Glory—Courtly Culture in the Eleventh Century The Plan of Today’s Lecture: 1)The Rise of Courtliness 2)The Role of the Cathedral Schools 3)The ‘Cambridge Songs’ Manuscript 4)Courtliness and the Wandering Scholar 5)Courtliness and its Critics

2. Introduction The subject of today’s lecture = the rise of curialitas, ‘courtliness’, and its implications. The subject is significant for diverse reasons. Most concern the long-term: 1)The rise of courtliness contributes to the civilising process—the process by which humanity has learnt how to constrain impulses towards violence and disorder. 2)The emergence of the courtier (especially when they were ‘new men’) adds a new dimension to the ruling elite. 3)Courtliness alters and enriches the character of gender relations in society more generally. BUT there is also a medium-term reason: 4)Antipathy to rise of courtliness (and disgust at the support which it received from certain secular authorities) was one of the factors driving the reform movement in the late eleventh century.

3. Part One: The Rise of Courtliness Three developments that point to the rise of courtliness as a cultural phenomenon: (1) ‘Courtliness’, curialitas (from the Latin for ‘court’, curia), emerges as a concept in the second half of the 11thc. According to Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness (1985), p. 159, the word is not attested before 1080. This much seems valid, but the term is also rare before the 13th century. LLT database (above) has 167 instances of the term curialitas being used before 1500: none are from before c.1100, just three from 1100–1200, but there are 153 from 1200–1300! (Jaeger was working before databases of this kind were first invented!)

4. Three developments that point to the rise of courtliness as a cultural phenomenon: 2) The courtier (curialis, plural curiales) gradually emerges as an increasingly important and distinctive figure the 11th century, a phenomenon most apparent from the emergence of a new literary sub-genre—the biography of the courtier-bishop. Part One: The Rise of Courtliness E XAMPLE A: the lives of Otto IV, bishop of Bamberg (1102–1139). In the 1080s he served Judith, the daughter of the Emperor Henry III who was to married Wladislaw I Herman, king of Poland (1079– 1102); and later, from about 1088 until 1102, he was a courtier of the Emperor Henry IV himself. Herbord, Dialogue on the Life of Otto of Bamberg, ii.16: ‘In everyone of his acts... he showed a special gift of singular fastidiousness and, if I may say so, of elegant and urbane self-control (elegans et urbana disciplina). Never under any circumstances, in eating, drinking, in word, gesture, or dress, would he tolerate anything indecorous, inappropriate or unbecoming, but rather in every act of the outer man, he manifested the harmony that reigned within him, conspicuous as he was for his goodness, good breeding, and far-sighted wisdom.’

5. E XAMPLE B: the account of a knight called Moricho which appears in the Life of his brother, Bishop Wernher of Merseburg (1059–93), another courtier-bishop (§ 1): ‘Nurtured in the flower of youth at the court of the Emperor Henry IV, [Moricho] rose to a position of high trust and intimate favour with the emperor as a man of nobility and a splendid administrator... For he was impeccable in his conduct, firm in respect to justice, foresighted in counsel, faithful in rendering aid, most liberal and of immaculate repute, courtly in manners. While still in the flower of manhood he was steward of the royal table and most suited to all administrative tasks. Therefore Moricho received of the king and of royal munificence a most pious wife Uoda, in whom the dignity of nobility was in harmony with the discipline of mores, in whom the glory of riches was in concord with a handsome appearance.... Earlier examples include some of the chaplains who were attached to the royal chapel of Otto III (983–1002), including Gerbert of Reims (whom Otto II made Pope Sylvester II). Part One: The Rise of Courtliness Three developments that point to the rise of courtliness as a cultural phenomenon: 2) The courtier (curialis, plural curiales) gradually emerges as an increasingly important and distinctive figure the 11th century, a phenomenon most apparent from the emergence of a new literary sub-genre—the biography of the courtier-bishop.

6. Three developments that point to the rise of courtliness as a cultural phenomenon. 3) The 11th century sees the emergence of new literary genres that explore the values and experiences of courtiers, most notably the Romance-Epic. The earliest example in any European language is the Ruodlieb, a Latin poem which was composed in eastern Frankia during or soon after the reign of Henry III (1039–56). Its subject is the adventures of a wandering knight of German origin named Ruodlieb—at the court of an African king, in a rural milieu, in the castle of a widowed lady and her daughter, at home with his family, and finally with a dwarf! Part One: The Rise of Courtliness

7. Three developments that point to the rise of courtliness as a cultural phenomenon.  The only known manuscript was produced at the Benedictine Abbey (!) of Tegernsee in Bavaria. It was later cut up and used for packing the covers of books, so that the 18 known fragments have only gradually came to light since 1807 as the books containing them have been rebound. The first of the great king’s precepts (from fragment 5, § 1): ‘Never let a redheaded man be a special friend of yours! If he becomes angry, he will not be mindful of loyalty, for violent, dreadful, and enduring is his wrath!’  This is a strange poem, but it does heap esteem on courtesy towards women. Part One: The Rise of Courtliness

8. The new culture of ‘courtliness’ flourished at the courts of bishops and in their schools— or rather, at some cathedral schools! Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness, p. 152: ‘Clearly, an ethical code with classical models existed in the period; it was probably taught, or at least inculcated at the cathedral schools; it was cultivated by secular clergy and by clerical administrators at the ruler’s court and in the bishop’s office. The fact that the code derived much of its terminology from ideals of the Roman senatorial class will have added to its allure and legitimacy in the context of service to the emperor at court and in the imperial church.’  Jaeger’s thesis seems broadly correct, except that the enthusiasm seems to have been coming, not (as he suggests) from the imperial court, but from bishops, from the secular clergy and from a broader audience of lay patrons. Part Two: The Role of the Cathedral Schools

9. Two reasons why new culture of courtliness flourished in the eleventh century: 1)The rise of courtliness was a response to a desire for cultural forms and practices that could facilitate competition while minimizing the risks of violence. Hence, the biographers of courtier bishops often praise their subjects for refusing to rise to insults and provocations, and for using their verbal skills to ‘out-wit’ their enemies.  In this respect, courtliness was an ally of same forces that were promoting the development of sacral kingship in this period. Part Two: The Role of the Cathedral Schools

10. Two reasons why new culture of courtliness flourished in the eleventh century: 1)The rise of courtliness was a response to a desire for cultural forms and practices that would facilitate competition while minimizing the risks of violence. Hence, the biographers of courtier bishops often praise their subjects for refusing to rise to insults and provocations, and for using their verbal skills to ‘out-wit’ their enemies.  In this respect, courtliness was an ally of same forces that were promoting the development of sacral kingship in this period. 2)However, the rise of courtliness was also encouraged by the way in which it gave clerics of humbler social background (but strong intellectual and verbal skills) a competitive edge in the struggle for offices. In this respect, it was not so much a matter of being well-educated as it was of being able to entertain and amuse the great. Courtliness was about using charm and wit to tilt the playing field to one’s advantage. e.g. The Later Life of Ulrich of Zell, § 5 (written 1115×1120): The Empress Agnes of Poitou (d. 1077) sought out Ulrich for her service because ‘she found in him a suaveness of delectable manners’ (delectabilium morum suavitas). Part Two: The Role of the Cathedral Schools

11. Two reasons why new culture of courtliness flourished in the eleventh century: 1)The rise of courtliness was a response to a desire for cultural forms and practices that could facilitate competition while minimizing the risks of violence. Hence, the biographers of courtier bishops often praise their subjects for refusing to rise to insults and provocations, and for using their verbal skills to ‘out-wit’ their enemies.  In this respect, courtliness was an ally of same forces that were promoting the development of sacral kingship in this period. 2)However, the rise of courtliness was also encouraged by the way in which it gave clerics of humbler social background (but strong intellectual and verbal skills) a competitive edge in the struggle for offices. In this respect, it was not so much a matter of being well-educated as it was of being able to entertain and amuse the great. Courtliness was about using charm and wit to tilt the playing field to one’s advantage. e.g. The Later Life of Ulrich of Zell, § 5 (written 1115×1120): The Empress Agnes of Poitou (d. 1077) sought out Ulrich for her service because ‘she found in him a suaveness of charming manners’ (delectabilium morum suavitas).  For evidence as to what the amusement provided by some of these courtiers comprised, there is a book that provides important clues. Part Two: The Role of the Cathedral Schools

12. Cambridge, University Library, MS Gg.5.35 This book is a vast collection of poetry (almost 900 pages of text), compiled and produced at St Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, in the mid to late 11th century. Most of the contents comprise classical and late Roman materials, but there is a section that contains a ‘sub- collection’ of 85 short poems of recent date. Housed in two quires or bundles of pages (folios 432 to 446), it was added to the book in about 1060/70 not long after it was first assembled. The origin of this sub-group of poems is clear from the fact that many of these poems are about German topics, such as the five royal songs: one of the five commemorates Otto I, two celebrate the coronations of Conrad II as emperor (1027) and Henry III as king (i.e. co- ruler) of Germany (1028), and two lament the deaths of Henry II (1024) and Conrad II (1039). Part Three: The Cambridge Songs Manuscript

13. Magnus cesar Otto, from the Cambridge Songs Manuscript

14. Cambridge, University Library, MS Gg.5.35 Clues as to the reason for the copying of this collection into the book (at a place so remote from its point of origin) are provided by the presence of the neums (a primitive form of musical notation) over some of the texts and by the way in which only the opening verses of some of the poems have been copied (as on this page). These features suggest that the English copyist was mainly interested in the metres and the tunes according to which the texts were versified.  This leaf was also stolen by a German antiquarian—Theodor Oehler—when he visited the University Library in Cambridge in 1840! It was returned in 1982. Part Three: The Cambridge Songs Manuscript

15. Veni dilectissime, from the Cambridge Songs Manuscript A recent ‘reconstruction’ of the song and its music by Benjamin Bagby and Sequentia  Part Three: The Cambridge Songs Manuscript

16. Veni dilectissime, from the Cambridge Songs Manuscript A recent ‘reconstruction’ of the song and its music by Benjamin Bagby and Sequentia  A 1960s, metaphorical, alternative  Part Three: The Cambridge Songs Manuscript

17. Two Anglo-Norman sources, the Bayeux Tapestry and William of Poitiers’ biography of William the Conqueror, provide clues as to the context in which erotic verse was performed. The Tapestry Inscription: ‘Here Duke William came with Harold to his palace where a cleric and Ælfgyva [did something, but what? See below].’ William of Poitiers, Deeds of William the Conqueror, i.41: ‘[Duke William] escorted Harold most honourably to Rouen, the chief city of his principality, where every kind of hospitality restored and cheered those who had suffered the trials of the journey [to Normandy].’ Part Four: Courtliness and the Wandering Scholar

18. Guibert of Nogent, On my life, book one: § 15: ‘My friends were clearly my enemies [during my adolescence], for although they gave me good advice, yet they often plied me with talk of fame and literary distinction and through these things the winning of high status and wealth....’ § 17: ‘Meantime having steeped my mind unduly in the study of verse­making, so as to put aside for such worthless vanities the serious things of the divine pages, under guidance of my folly I went so far as read the poems of Ovid and the Bucolics of Virgil and to aim at the airs and graces of a love poem in a critical treatise and in a series of letters...’ The Roman writer Ovid (43 BC–AD 17) was most famous for his love poetry: the Amores (‘Loves’), the Heroides (‘Heroines’), the Ars amatoria (‘The Art of Love’), and the Remedia amoris (‘The Remedy of Love’). Ambitious clerics often tried get the attention of the great through service as poets at their courts, as can be seen from the memoirs (above) of Guibert, abbot of Nogent (1104– 24). He is speaking here of France in the 1070s; but as the contents of the Cambridge Songs Manuscript help to show, the phenomenon also existed in Germany. Part Four: Courtliness and the Wandering Scholar

19. O admirabile Veneris idolum, from the Cambridge Songs MS  A sexually ambiguous lament for the loss of a young male love-object, full of classical allusions. Some scholars have argued that it was written in imitation of classical homo-erotic verse.

20. Leuis exsurgit zephirus, from the Cambridge Songs Manuscript  A lament for a lost lover of the type known as a ‘woman’s song’.

21. Not surprisingly, given its worldliness, the rise of this ‘sub-culture’ attracted much criticism from more conservative elements, not least among the clergy! Abbot Siegfried of Gorze writing to the Abbot Poppo of Stablo (1043): ‘The honour of the kingdom, which in the reigns of previous emperors flourished most decently, not only in respect to clothes and custom, but also feats of arms and horsemanship, in our days is brushed aside, and the scandalous rule of French frivolities displaces it. Men cut their beards, for instance, and—shameful to behold!—they shorten and deform their garments in a way most vile and execrable. They indulge in many other novelties which no one would have dreamed of in the days of the Ottos and Henrys. But now many despise the honourable customs of their own lands and seek out the ways of dress of foreigners, and their perversities cannot be far behind. They are striving in all ways to be like their enemies, men plotting against them, and, more lamentable yet, such men not only avoid correction, but are taken into the close favour of the king and of certain other princes...’. Part Five: Courtliness and its Critics

22. Not surprisingly, given its worldliness, the rise of this ‘sub-culture’ attracted much criticism from more conservative elements, not least among the clergy! Abbot Siegfried of Gorze writing to the Abbot Poppo of Stablo (1043): ‘The honour of the kingdom, which in the reigns of previous emperors flourished most decently, not only in respect to clothes and custom, but also feats of arms and horsemanship, in our days is brushed aside, and the scandalous rule of French frivolities displaces it. Men cut their beards, for instance, and—shameful to behold!—they shorten and deform their garments in a way most vile and execrable. They indulge in many other novelties which no one would have dreamed of in the days of the Ottos and Henrys. But now many despise the honourable customs of their own lands and seek out the ways of dress of foreigners, and their perversities cannot be far behind. They are striving in all ways to be like their enemies, men plotting against them, and, more lamentable yet, such men not only avoid correction, but are taken into the close favour of the king and of certain other princes...’. Peter Damian, bishop of Ostia (1057–72), Contra clericos aulicos, ‘Against hall-ish clerics’: ‘Be gone with this prodigious madness! That a cleric in seeking to rise above clerics should become a courtier and make himself a slave of the world!’ Part Five: Courtliness and its Critics

23. The effects of this clash of cultures can be seen in the Cambridge Songs Manuscript itself, where four of the seven erotic items have been erased—or, at least, it is tempting to explain the erasures in this way.  O admirabile Veneris idolum, ‘O wonderful image of Venus’ (e.g. fol. 441v)  Veni dilectissime, ‘Come, dearest love’ (or what’s left of it, after it was erased) Part Five: Courtliness and its Critics

24. The rise of courtliness was a cultural movement that complicated the social scene, helping the great to legitimise their social dominance, but also to smooth the path for the clever and less high-born to positions of power and influence. BUT the way in which it undermined more traditional styles of religious authority of respect and pre-eminence also inspired anger and resentment among more conservative elements, not least in the Church. This anger was a factor in the rise of the ecclesiastical reform movement in the latter half of the eleventh century. Conclusion

25. Next week: the origins of the so- called ‘reform movement’ in its local German / Lotharingian form as well as in its papal, Roman, forms. Next Week: Society and the Church in Transition