1. American National Pride: Effects of Immigration Effects of Immigration American National Pride: Effects of Immigration Effects of Immigration Regression of American pride on socio-demographic factors (Model 1) and attitudes on immigration(Model 2). Model 1Model 2 VariableCoefficientBETACoefficientBETA Age 0.25***0.2750.24***0.255 Education-0.61***-0.116-0.72***-0.134 Sex 2.38**0.0792.08*0.070 Race 2.840.0603.50*0.075 Foreign-Born 3.810.0565.05*0.075 Pol. Views. 0.83*0.0760.85*0.078 Protestant a 2.120.0701.800.059 Catholic a 5.48***0.1584.84**0.140 Jewish a 13.94***0.14113.16***0.133 Other Rel. a -0.88-0.011-1.26-0.017 immameco -2.16***-0.141 amcult -0.97*-0.075 Constant53.8058.47 R2R2 0.159 0.179 Source: General Social Survey (2004). Note: N=902; b= unstandardized regression coefficient; BETA= standardized regression coefficient. a. Compared to respondents citing no religion. * p<0.05; ** p<0.01; *** p<0.001 MethodsMethods IntroductionIntroduction There have been various studies (Lewin-Epstein 2005, Heath, Tilley 2005, Medrano 2005) that indicate a tie between national pride and negative attitudes towards immigration. These studies describe national pride as emerging from an in-group mentality, which causes group members (citizens) to readily recognize differences between themselves and foreigners and see the cultural diversity brought by immigration as a threat to the values of their group. In this study we will test this hypothesis against multiple dimensions of opinions on immigration, namely the economic effects of immigration and the cultural assimilation of immigrants. If the hypothesis remains true, it is expected that respondents who believe that immigrants cannot become fully American and that immigrants are bad for the economy will have higher national pride. To test our hypothesis, we are analyzing data from the General Social Survey (GSS) for 2004. The GSS is a source of data on societal trends tracking the opinion of U.S residents on demographic, behavioral, and attitudinal questions since 1972. From the questions measuring one’s pride in American achievements, we created a National pride scale on a scale of 1- 100 to determine the level of pride one has in their nation. The pride scale is based on a given respondent’s pride in the way democracy works in the U.S., America’s economic achievements, American advances in science and technology, American art and literature, American history, the political influence of the U.S. government, America’s social security system, American sports, the U.S. military, and the fair and equal treatment of groups in the U.S. ResultsResults Methods – con’t Our first model examines the relationship between a respondent’s level of pride in American achievements and various demographic measures to control for external indicators of national pride. These measures include age, race (Black or White), sex (male or female), education (in years), religious preference (Protestant, Catholic, Judaism, or non- religious), political conservatism, and whether the respondent was born in America. Respondents who either did not provide information for one of these fields or provided a response other than the ones listed were excluded form our analysis. Our second model includes the respondent’s attitudes on immigration. To measure attitudes on both the cultural and economic aspects of immigration, respondents were asked to what extent they agree or disagree (on a five-point scale, 1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree) with the following statements: It is impossible for people who do not share American customs and traditions to become fully American (GSS variable: amcult) Immigrants are generally good for the American economy (GSS variable: immameco) Model 1 and model 2 show that in both samples, pride in the overall American achievement grows with age. Education is shown to have the opposite effect; pride in America decreases on average with every additional year of education, controlling for the other factors. Sex is also statistically significant in each model, but quantitatively underwhelming with only a 2-point change in a 100-point scale in either model. Race and foreign- born status are much the same as sex, except they are not statistically significant in the reduced model; Whites experience more national pride than Blacks, and people born in America experience more pride than foreign-born people living in America. Results – con’t ReferencesReferences Lewin-Epstein, Noah. “National Identity and Xenophobia in an Ethnically Divided Society.” International Journal on Multicultural Societies (IJMS). Vol. 7, No. 2, 2005. 90-118. Heath, Anthony F. and Tilley, James R. “British National Identity and Attitudes Towards Immigration.” International Journal on Multicultural Societies (IJMS). Vol. 7, No. 2, 2005. 119-132. Medrano, Juan-Diez. “Nation, Citizenship, and Immigration in Contemporary Spain.” International Journal on Multicultural Societies (IJMS). Vol. 7, No. 2, 2005. 133-156. Political conservatism also has a statistically significant relationship with pride in American achievement, where more conservative people experience more pride on average. Religion also affects national pride, where being Catholic and Jewish, compared to people citing no religion, is positively correlated to the pride scale. People who agree with the statement ‘Immigrants are generally good for the American economy’ have more pride than those who disagree, on average and controlling for the other factors. People who agree with the statement ‘It is impossible for people who do not share American customs and traditions to become fully American’ have more pride than those who disagree, on average and controlling for other factors. Conclusions Conclusions Jon Milburn, Mercedes Tottil, Lewis Swartz, Victor Sriqui, JosePalacios, Asra Qiran, Jae Kim, Jarel Dorsey