Implicit Cultural Orientations in the Arab World Alvaro San Martin 1, William W. Maddux 2, Marwan Sinaceur 3, Amer Madi 2, Steve Tompson 4, & Shinobu Kitayama 4 IESE Business School 1, INSEAD 2, ESSEC Business School 3, University of Michigan 4 The harsh social ecology in the desert, prevalent in a large portion of the Arab geographical regions, dictates that (a) individuals demonstrate a strong commitment to the kinship group (or tribe) for survival, (b) tribes are constantly on the move in their search for resources (i.e., strong nomadic tradition), (c) centralized authority is relatively absent, and (d) tribes are exposed to frequent raids from other tribes that compete for scarce resources. These socioecological factors help shape nomadic tribes as relatively small clusters of interdependent individuals that act like independent entities competing for resources (actual or symbolic, e.g., honor) with other tribes. These two simultaneous forces then help explain the existence, at the individual level, of both markers of interdependence (i.e., high levels of holistic thinking and strong social correlates of happiness) and independence (i.e., high levels of symbolic self-inflation and predominant experience of socially disengaging emotions). Marked tribal orientations foster adaptive psychological tendencies, such as holistic thinking and social correlates of happiness, which help individuals attune to social relations. Specifically, holistic thinking helps individuals increase their chances of survival by avoiding social mistakes that would invite rejection. Individuals are thus expected to serve the kinship group by demonstrating acceptable behavior and avoid unsanctioned behavior. Strong social correlates of happiness, in turn, help individuals identify and emotionally bond with the kin. At the same time, the primary importance of herding, a strong nomadic tradition, and fierce competition with other tribes in securing resources favor self- enhancement, which is manifested in high levels of strong symbolic self- inflation and the predominant experience of socially disengaging (vs. engaging) emotions (Study 1). In contrast to extant literature that views self-enhancement as a marker of independence, for Arabs it might primarily serve their kinship, thus representing for them a marker of interdependence instead. Indeed, Arabs typically derive their individual honor and reputation by emphasizing their kin membership in and opposition to other kinship groups. The affiliation to a kinship group (family, tribe, clan, or by extension, a region) is then a fundamental characteristic of traditional Arab society. We propose that, for Arabs (but not for other cultural groups, e.g., Americans), a strong affiliation with the kinship group fuels symbolic self-inflation (Study 2). Individuals usually experience high levels of socially disengaging emotions when reflecting upon their affiliation to collectives central to their identity. We propose that Arabs experience a strong responsibility towards the kinship group, which then explains their predominant experience of socially disengaging (vs. engaging) emotions. This responsibility towards the kinship originates in a sense of deep gratitude and the resulting moral obligation to reciprocate, which encompasses the kinship´s protection from external threats and the promotion of the kinship’s well-being. By contrast, other cultural groups (e.g., French of Western European ascent) should not derive such a strong identification with their family, but with other kinds of collectives. Sociological and anecdotal evidence suggests that, for example, French derive pride and self-esteem from their affiliation to their prestigious universities (e.g., l´esprit de corps in Bordieu). French would thus experience high levels of socially disengaging emotions when reflecting upon their responsibilities towards their prestigious universities. However, as for Arabs universities do not play such a central role in their self-concept, Arabs should not experience strong social disengaging emotions when reflecting upon their responsibility towards their university (Study 3). Introduction Subjects. 309 participants from Saudi Arabia, Israel, and Lebanon. Task. We used the “cultural task analysis” (Kitayama et al., 2009), which is a series of measures of perception, judgment, and memory that act as unobtrusive markers of cultural independence and interdependence. Analytic/holistic attention. To measure holistic/analytic attention, we used the Frame Line Task (Kitayama et al., 2003; Kitayama et al., 2009). Questions? Suggestions? Abstract Little is known about cultural orientations in the Arab world. Using markers of independence/interdependence in extant literature, we showed that Arabs in several Middle Eastern countries displayed strong simultaneous tendencies toward cultural interdependence (holistic thinking and social correlates of happiness) and independence (strong symbolic self-inflation and experience of socially disengaging emotions). Two experiments helped explain this unique cultural profile. In the first one, Arabs displayed stronger symbolic-self inflation than Americans when primed with commonalities with relatives and friends; the opposite pattern emerged when primed with differences with relatives and friends. In the second experiment, French-Arab biculturals reported higher levels of socially disengaging emotions than French monoculturals when primed with their Arab culture and responsibility towards family, not when primed with their French culture or responsibility towards their university. Thus, symbolic self-inflation and socially disengaging emotions could be viewed instead as interdependent markers in Arab cultures as they primarily serve the kinship. Dispositional bias in attribution. Presented with four social scenarios, participants were asked to indicate how much they agreed or disagreed with: a) the protagonist caused the behavior, b) features of the situation caused the behavior; c) the protagonist would have acted differently if his/her disposition was different; and d) the protagonist would have acted differently if the situation was different (Kitayama et al., 2009). Dispositional inferences in attribution were obtained by averaging a) and c); situational inferences were obtained by averaging b) and d). For each participant, situational inferences were subtracted from dispositional inferences. Symbolic self-inflation. Participants drew their social network, composed of one circle representing the self and other circles representing friends. We measured the largest diameter of each circle. For each participant, we subtracted the average size of the circles representing friends from the size of the circle representing the self. Experience of disengaging (vs. engaging) emotions. We used the Implicit Social Orientation Questionnaire (Kitayama & Park, 2007). Personal (vs. social) correlates of happiness. We measured happiness in each situation of the ISOQ. For each participant, we analyzed how much disengaging and engaging emotions predicted happiness across situations and then subtracted their regression coefficient of engaging emotions from that of disengaging emotions. Analyses. We included the data from the Japanese, American, English, and German samples in Kitayama et al. (2009). To compare means of our implicit measures across countries, we used single factor (culture) between-subjects ANCOVAs controlling for gender and age. Results. Means and standard deviations. Note. Means in a row with different subscripts differ at p ≤ Standard deviations between parentheses. Discussion. According to markers of cultural independence and interdependence in extant literature, Saudis and Lebanese demonstrated interdependent elements tapping into group solidarity (i.e., situational vs. dispositional bias in attribution, holistic vs. analytic attention, and social vs. personal correlates of happiness) as much as Japanese and, simultaneously, independent elements based on pride and self-respect (i.e., more vs. less symbolic self-inflation and greater experience of disengaging vs. engaging emotions) as much as Americans, Israelis, and Western Europeans. Israelis appeared as highly independent in all dimensions. Study 1: Implicit markers of cultural orientations Subjects. 74 students at HEM Casablanca, Morocco, and 60 students in Psychology from the University of Michigan, USA. Task. Participants completed a priming manipulation, and then drew their social network. Design. We used the Similarities and Differences with Family and Friends Task (SDFF; Trafimow et al. 1991, Study 1) as our priming manipulation. Participants reflected during five minutes on what made them similar to (vs. different from) their family and friends, and then five minutes more to write down specific examples consistent with the instructions they had received. Participants in each country were randomly assigned to one of two between-subject conditions: similarities vs. differences from family and friends. There were 67 participants in the “similarities” condition (36 Moroccans and 31 Americans) and 67 in the “differences” condition (38 Moroccans and 29 Americans). DV: We measured symbolic self-inflation as in Study 1. Analyses: To examine the effects of country and priming manipulation on participants´ symbolic self-inflation, we used a 2 (Country) x 2 (Priming) x 2 (Gender) between-subjects ANOVA. Symbolic self-inflation. There was a significant interaction effect of country by priming, F(1,126) = 7.61, p =.007, ƞ ²p =.06. Americans primed with differences with family and friends and Moroccans primed with similarities with family and friends reported relatively high levels of symbolic self-inflation. However, compared with these two conditions, Americans primed with similarities with family and friends and Moroccans primed with differences with family and friends reported significantly lower levels of symbolic self-inflation (p´s <.05). No other main or interaction effects were significant. Note. Means in a row with different subscripts differ at p ≤ Standard deviations between parentheses. Discussion. The main goal of this study was to demonstrate in an experimental design that, although Americans and Arabs display relatively high levels of symbolic self-inflation, their antecedents are completely different. For Arabs, the self-concept is constructed and defined, at least in part, by their sense of closeness to family and friends. Consistent with this rationale, priming the collective (vs. individual) self increased symbolic self-inflation for Arabs. For Americans, in contrast, the self- concept stems from their sense of distinctiveness from family and friends. As the sense of self is constructed and defined by one’s own individual identity in the West, priming the individual (vs. collective) self increased symbolic self-inflation for Americans. Study 2: Origins of symbolic self-inflation Study 3: Origins of experience of socially disengaging (vs. engaging) emotions Subjects. 183 undergraduates at various universities in Paris, France. 67 students were of Arab ascent from the Maghreb or the Middle East. The other 116 participants were of European ascent. Both cultural samples were obtained in the same universities and presented no significant differences in terms of basic demographics. Task. Participants completed a priming manipulation during 10 minutes, and then they filled in a brief survey on emotional experiences. Design. Participants within each cultural group (Arab vs. French European origin) were randomly assigned to one of three between- subject experimental conditions: responsible for their families vs. responsible for their university vs. control. Manipulation. The type of responsibility was manipulated in a priming task at the beginning of the survey. Participants in the “family” and “university” conditions read these instructions: Recall a life experience that made your Arab (vs. French) identity and its social responsibility towards others (in particular, your family vs. your college) very important to you. For instance, this life experience could be one time that you helped someone in your family, rendered a service, organized an event, etc. It can be any event that shows that, as an Arab (vs. French), you experience a sense of social responsibility towards your family (vs. college). Participants in the control condition read the following instructions: Recall a life experience that made your Arab (vs. French) identity and its sense of individual responsibility and initiative very important to you. For instance, this life experience could be one time that you helped someone, you rendered a service, you organized an event, etc. It can be any event that shows that, as an Arab (vs. French), you experience a sense of individual responsibility and initiative. Experience of disengaging (vs. engaging) emotions. As in Study 1, we administered the ISOQ (Kitayama & Park, 2007). Analyses. We used a 2 (Cultural origin) x 3 (Priming) x 2 (Gender) between-subjects ANCOVA controlling for participants overall satisfaction with family and university, age, and the number of years they had lived in France. Experience of disengaging (vs. engaging) emotions. Participants of Arab origin experienced higher levels of disengaging (vs. engaging) emotions, compared with participants of French European origin, M =.43, SD =.66 and M =.15, SD =.72, respectively, F(1,167) = 4.32, p =.039, ƞ ²p =.03. There was also a significant interaction effect of culture by priming, F(2,167) = 5.98, p =.003, ƞ ²p =.067. Note. Means in a row with different subscripts differ at p ≤ Standard deviations between parentheses. Discussion. This study showed that Arabs experienced relatively high levels of socially disengaging (vs. engaging) emotions when their responsibilities towards their kinship (vs. university) were primed. For French of European ascent, however, this pattern was reversed, i.e., they would experience such high levels of socially disengaging emotions when reflecting upon their responsibilities towards their universities (vs. family).