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Urban Neighborhoods and the Persistence of Racial Inequality Patrick Sharkey New York University February 17, 2015.

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Presentation on theme: "Urban Neighborhoods and the Persistence of Racial Inequality Patrick Sharkey New York University February 17, 2015."— Presentation transcript:

1 Urban Neighborhoods and the Persistence of Racial Inequality Patrick Sharkey New York University February 17, 2015

2 Outline for the talk: 1)The end of progress toward racial equality 2)A multigenerational perspective on neighborhood inequality 3)The consequences of persistent neighborhood inequality 4)Implications for urban policy 5)A hopeful conclusion

3 Outline for the talk: 1)The end of progress toward racial equality 2)A multigenerational perspective on neighborhood inequality 3)The consequences of persistent neighborhood inequality 4)Implications for urban policy 5)A hopeful conclusion

4 The end of progress toward racial equality: Family income Pew Research, Social and Demographic Trends: http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2013/08/22/race-demographics/

5 The end of progress toward racial equality: Economic mobility

6 The end of progress toward racial equality: Absolute mobility

7 Outline for the talk: 1)The end of progress toward racial equality 2)A multigenerational perspective on neighborhood inequality 3)The consequences of persistent neighborhood inequality 4)Implications for urban policy 5)A hopeful conclusion

8 Continuity in racialized neighborhood inequality

9 Sharkey, in press. “Spatial segmentation and the black middle class.” American Journal of Sociology Continuity in racialized neighborhood inequality

10 Sharkey 2008. “The Intergenerational Transmission of Context.” American Journal of Sociology. % of all parent/child pairs living in poor neighborhoods over consecutive generations

11 Sharkey 2008. “The Intergenerational Transmission of Context.” American Journal of Sociology. % of individuals in poor neighborhoods whose parent was also raised in a poor neighborhood

12 Outline for the talk: 1)The end of progress toward racial equality 2)A multigenerational perspective on neighborhood inequality 3)The consequences of persistent neighborhood inequality 4)Implications for urban policy 5)A hopeful conclusion

13 CHILD’S DEVELOPMENT CHILD’S NEIGHBORHOOD School Exposure to violence Peers Mental health Standard theoretical model of “neighborhood effects”

14 CHILD’S DEVELOPMENT CHILD’S NEIGHBORHOOD School Exposure to violence Peers Mental health Multigenerational model of “neighborhood effects” Education Occupation Income Mental health Parenting style PARENT’S NEIGHBORHOOD

15 The consequences of multigenerational neighborhood disadvantage: Economic mobility Sharkey 2009. “Neighborhoods and the black-white mobility gap.” Economic Mobility Project.

16 Sharkey, Stuck In Place. The consequences of multigenerational neighborhood disadvantage: Educational aspirations

17 Sharkey and Elwert. 2011. “The Legacy of Disadvantage: Multigenerational Neighborhood Effects on Cognitive Ability.” American Journal of Sociology. The consequences of multigenerational neighborhood disadvantage: Cognitive skills

18 Outline for the talk: 1)The end of progress toward racial equality 2)A multigenerational perspective on neighborhood inequality 3)The consequences of persistent neighborhood inequality 4)Implications for urban policy 5)A hopeful conclusion

19 Policy with the capacity to: Disrupt multigenerational patterns of neighborhood inequality Generate transformative changes in places and in families ’ lives Confront neighborhood inequality on a national scale and withstand fluctuations in the political mood and the business cycle “ Durable urban policy ”

20 What does “durable” mobility look like? Gautreaux and Moving to Opportunity Sampson 2010. “Moving to Inequality: Neighborhood Effects and Experiments Meet Social Structure.” American Journal of Sociology. Map from DeLuca and Rosenblatt (2008). “ Can poor black families escape segregated neighborhoods? ”

21 Keels et al. 2005. “Fifteen years later: Can residential mobility programs provide a long-term escape from neighborhood segregation, crime, and poverty?” Demography. The long-term impact of Gautreaux on participating families ’ neighborhoods

22 The structure of residential mobility in Chicago: Evidence from MTO Sampson 2010. “Moving to Inequality: Neighborhood Effects and Experiments Meet Social Structure.” American Journal of Sociology.

23 The long-term impact of MTO on participating families ’ neighborhoods Ludwig et al. 2012. “Neighborhood Effects on the Long-Term Well-Being of Low- Income Adults.” Science.

24 What does “durable” investment look like? Purpose Built Communities

25 What does “durable” investment look like? Harlem Children’s Zone

26 What does “durable” policy look like? Inclusionary Zoning

27 Mobility policies that promote dramatic, sustained changes in families ’ environments –Example: Gautreaux; Baltimore Mobility Program “ Durable urban policy ”

28 Investments that reach multiple generations –Examples: New Hope (Milwaukee); Harlem Children’s Zone “ Durable urban policy ”

29 Investments with the potential to create permanent or transformative change in communities –Example: Mandatory inclusionary zoning; Purpose Built Communities “ Durable urban policy ”

30 Investments/programs/policies implemented on a national scale with the potential to withstand shifts in economy and political mood –Example: ? “ Durable urban policy ”

31 Outline for the talk: 1)The end of progress toward racial equality 2)A multigenerational perspective on neighborhood inequality 3)The consequences of persistent neighborhood inequality 4)Implications for urban policy 5)A hopeful conclusion

32 Since the early 1970s, federal urban policy has been dominated by a narrative linking cities/race/violence The Great American Crime Decline has weakened these connections and opened space for a new model of urban policy Our nation’s urban policy agenda

33 The Great American Crime Decline

34 Source: FBI Uniform Crime Reports Violence has dropped the most in the most violent cities

35 CityTime Period Absolute ChangeRelative Change Highest Quintile RemainderHighest QuintileRemainder Chicago2001-2012-109.67-32.31-28.92-32.57 Cleveland1990-2010-175.8319.27-43.2818.39 Denver1990-2010-95.42-10.77-47.54-20.32 Philadelphia1998-2009-62.65-2.00-22.91-2.95 Seattle1996-2007-67.32-10.47-28.54-23.80 St. Petersburg2000-2012-202.31-41.31-42.94-46.72 Violence has dropped the most in the most violent neighborhoods

36 Violence has dropped the most in the most violent neighborhoods

37 Exposure to neighborhood violence by poverty status

38

39 Exposure to neighborhood violence by race/ethnicity

40

41 Since the early 1970s, federal urban policy has been dominated by a narrative linking cities/race/violence The Great American Crime Decline has weakened these connections and opened space for a new model of urban policy The central question is: What will the next model of urban policy look like? Our nation’s urban policy agenda

42 Thanks to Richard Parks, Gary Painter and Jessica Booker for invitation and organization of the visit. Thanks also to: Robert Wood Johnson Foundation William T. Grant Foundation


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