1. Week 12a. More wh-movement, Subjacency, and relative clauses CAS LX 522 Syntax I

2. Three kinds of movement A-movement: Movement to SpecIP (subjects, passive objects, subject raising). A-movement: Movement to SpecIP (subjects, passive objects, subject raising). A-movement ends in a Case location. A-movement ends in a Case location. Operator Movement: Movement to SpecCP and other things we’ll talk about later. A.k.a. “A-movement” Operator Movement: Movement to SpecCP and other things we’ll talk about later. A.k.a. “A-movement” Operator movement starts in a Case location. So A- movement precedes operator movement. Operator movement starts in a Case location. So A- movement precedes operator movement. Head Movement: Movement of a head to the next higher head. Head Movement: Movement of a head to the next higher head.

3. Structural Uniformity The different elements of the structure are each responsible for a certain element of the meaning. The different elements of the structure are each responsible for a certain element of the meaning. C is responsible for the clause type (or illocutionary force) of the clause. It marks clauses as declaratives or as questions (or as imperatives, or as exclamatives). C is responsible for the clause type (or illocutionary force) of the clause. It marks clauses as declaratives or as questions (or as imperatives, or as exclamatives). I is responsible for tense interpretation (and also subject agreement). I is responsible for tense interpretation (and also subject agreement). v is responsible for external  -role assignment (Agent for sure, others like “Beneficiary” perhaps [win], or even simply marking as a verb [seem])? v is responsible for external  -role assignment (Agent for sure, others like “Beneficiary” perhaps [win], or even simply marking as a verb [seem])? D is responsible for definiteness (at least) (a vs. the) D is responsible for definiteness (at least) (a vs. the) N, V, A, P are responsible for lexical content. N, V, A, P are responsible for lexical content.

4. Structural uniformity As a consequence of structural uniformity: As a consequence of structural uniformity: All wh-questions have a [+WH, +Q] C. All wh-questions have a [+WH, +Q] C. Subject wh-questions: Who left? Subject wh-questions: Who left? Object wh-questions: What did Pat buy? Object wh-questions: What did Pat buy? All finite embedded clauses have a CP. All finite embedded clauses have a CP. I heard [ CP that [ IP Tracy left]]. I heard [ CP that [ IP Tracy left]]. I heard [ CP Ø [ IP Tracy left]]. I heard [ CP Ø [ IP Tracy left]].

5. *Economy of structure The alternative view (adopted by Radford at various points) is to say that you only have a CP when you have overt evidence for one. The alternative view (adopted by Radford at various points) is to say that you only have a CP when you have overt evidence for one. Radford views subject wh-questions such as Who left? as being IPs. Radford views subject wh-questions such as Who left? as being IPs. Radford also views embedded that-less clauses as being IPs (I heard [ IP John left]). Radford also views embedded that-less clauses as being IPs (I heard [ IP John left]). Here, we will adopt the more mainstream and I think simpler view that structure and function are in a 1-1 relation. Here, we will adopt the more mainstream and I think simpler view that structure and function are in a 1-1 relation. One exception: Main clause declaratives have been presumed to be IPs here, not CPs. We could have been stricter. One exception: Main clause declaratives have been presumed to be IPs here, not CPs. We could have been stricter.

6. What will they bake?

7. Who left? I and V are adjacent, do-support unnecessary. I and V are adjacent, do-support unnecessary. Note: V m c- commands t m here. V m excludes t m and any node that dominates V m dominates t m too.

8. The category of wh-phrases What kind of phrase is a wh-phrase? What kind of phrase is a wh-phrase? It depends on the structural role it plays; essentially, a wh-phrase is like a “pronoun” with a [+wh] feature (but it need not be a “noun”, it’s a more general “pro-form”) It depends on the structural role it plays; essentially, a wh-phrase is like a “pronoun” with a [+wh] feature (but it need not be a “noun”, it’s a more general “pro-form”) What in What did Pat buy? is a DP. Because the lamp is a DP in Pat bought the lamp. Which book is a DP, with which being a D. What in What did Pat buy? is a DP. Because the lamp is a DP in Pat bought the lamp. Which book is a DP, with which being a D. When in When did Pat leave? is an AP. Because yesterday is an AP in Pat left yesterday. (Although note that it could also have been answered Pat left on Tuesday—we still take when to be an adverb) When in When did Pat leave? is an AP. Because yesterday is an AP in Pat left yesterday. (Although note that it could also have been answered Pat left on Tuesday—we still take when to be an adverb) How in How did Pat leave? is an AP. Because hurriedly is an AP in Pat left hurriedly. How in How did Pat leave? is an AP. Because hurriedly is an AP in Pat left hurriedly.

9. The category of wh-phrases Suppose we wanted to ask how Pat ate the sandwich… Suppose we wanted to ask how Pat ate the sandwich… quickly the sandwich tktk AP vPvP VDP VP I I IP DP i Pat [+Past] v vPvP DP v v VkVk titi eat

10. The category of wh-phrases We attach how in the tree where adverbs go; how is a wh- adverb… We attach how in the tree where adverbs go; how is a wh- adverb… how the sandwich tktk AP vPvP VDP VP I I IP DP i Pat [+Past] v vPvP DP v v VkVk titi eat CP C [+WH,+Q]

11. The category of wh-phrases And then how moves to SpecCP like in any other wh- question. And then how moves to SpecCP like in any other wh- question. tjtj the sandwich tktk AP vPvP VDP VP I I IP DP i Pat tmtm v vPvP DP v v VkVk titi eat C C [+WH] [+Q] CP APj how C ImIm [+Past]

12. The category of wh-phrases Or, if we are wondering which student ate the sandwich… Or, if we are wondering which student ate the sandwich… the sandwich tktk VDP VP I I IP DP i [+Past] v vPvP DP v v VkVk titi eat CP C [+WH,+Q] NPD whichstudent

13. The category of wh-phrases Or, if we are wondering which student ate the sandwich… Or, if we are wondering which student ate the sandwich… the sandwich tktk VDP VP I I IP DP i tmtm v vPvP DP v v VkVk titi eat CP NPD whichstudent C C [+WH] [+Q] C ImIm [+Past] DP titi

14. The category of wh-phrases Or, if we are wondering whose dog ate the sandwich… Or, if we are wondering whose dog ate the sandwich… the sandwich tktk VDP VP I I IP DP i tmtm v vPvP DP v v VkVk titi eat CP C C [+WH] [+Q] C ImIm [+Past] DP titi D ’s D dog NP DP who

15. Long-distance wh-movement You can ask a question about something in an embedded clause too… You can ask a question about something in an embedded clause too… I said [that John ate a sandwich]. I said [that John ate a sandwich]. What i did I say [that John ate t i ]? What i did I say [that John ate t i ]? Mary wondered [what i I said [that John ate t i ]]. Mary wondered [what i I said [that John ate t i ]]. Note that what gets its  -role from ate. Note that what gets its  -role from ate. Note that the main clause C is the question ([+Q, +WH])—the embedded clause C here is a [-Q] CP. Note that the main clause C is the question ([+Q, +WH])—the embedded clause C here is a [-Q] CP. Wh-movement that escapes its clause like this is sometimes called “long-distance wh-movement”. Wh-movement that escapes its clause like this is sometimes called “long-distance wh-movement”.

16. CNP-islands There are certain things that seem to “trap” wh- elements, though. There are certain things that seem to “trap” wh- elements, though. What i did John claim [that Mary bought t i ]? What i did John claim [that Mary bought t i ]? John believes [ DP the claim [that Mary bought cheese]]. John believes [ DP the claim [that Mary bought cheese]]. *What i does John believe [ DP the claim [that Mary bought t i ]]? *What i does John believe [ DP the claim [that Mary bought t i ]]? The claim that… is a DP. What starts inside. A “complex noun phrase” island. The claim that… is a DP. What starts inside. A “complex noun phrase” island.

17. Wh-islands Another thing that seems to “trap” a wh-phrase is another wh-question. (Called wh-islands) Another thing that seems to “trap” a wh-phrase is another wh-question. (Called wh-islands) Who bought a cheeseburger at Burger King? Who bought a cheeseburger at Burger King? John wondered [who bought a cheeseburger at BK]. John wondered [who bought a cheeseburger at BK]. *What i did John wonder [who bought t i at BK]? *What i did John wonder [who bought t i at BK]? *Who i did John wonder [what j t i bought t j at BK]? *Who i did John wonder [what j t i bought t j at BK]?

18. Successive-cyclic wh-movement To reconcile the fact that wh-movement can be “long distance” with the fact that wh-movement can be trapped by islands, we suppose that: To reconcile the fact that wh-movement can be “long distance” with the fact that wh-movement can be trapped by islands, we suppose that: Wh-movement proceeds to the nearest SpecCP, and then moves the next SpecCP—it cannot “skip” a CP, that’s moving too far. But a series of such movements can appear to be “long distance”. Wh-movement proceeds to the nearest SpecCP, and then moves the next SpecCP—it cannot “skip” a CP, that’s moving too far. But a series of such movements can appear to be “long distance”. Islands cause a situation where wh-movement needs to move “too far” Islands cause a situation where wh-movement needs to move “too far” What did you hear that they bought? What did you hear that they bought? C [+Q] you I hear [that they bought what] C [+Q] you I hear [that they bought what] C [+Q] you I hear [what i that they bought t i ] C [+Q] you I hear [what i that they bought t i ] what i C [+Q] +I j you t j hear [t i ’ that they bought t i ] what i C [+Q] +I j you t j hear [t i ’ that they bought t i ]

19. Successive-cyclic movement The wh- phrase moves first to the intermediate SpecCP, and from there to the main clause SpecCP. The wh- phrase moves first to the intermediate SpecCP, and from there to the main clause SpecCP. What did you hear that they bought?

20. Successive cyclic? McCloskey (2000). Quantifier float and wh-movement in an Irish English. Linguistic Inquiry 31(1):57-84. Cf. exactly. McCloskey (2000). Quantifier float and wh-movement in an Irish English. Linguistic Inquiry 31(1):57-84. Cf. exactly. What all did you get for Christmas? What all did you get for Christmas? What did you get all for Christmas? What did you get all for Christmas? All the students have left. All the students have left. The students have all left. The students have all left. I don’t remember [ CP what I said all]. I don’t remember [ CP what I said all]. What all did he say (that) he wanted? What all did he say (that) he wanted? What did he say (that) he wanted all? What did he say (that) he wanted all? What did he say all (that) he wanted? What did he say all (that) he wanted?

21. Wh- islands Now, suppose we have an embedded wh- question. Now, suppose we have an embedded wh- question. You wondered what they bought. You wondered what they bought. And try to question the subject. And try to question the subject.

22. Wh- islands Now, suppose we have an embedded wh- question. Now, suppose we have an embedded wh- question. You wondered what they bought. You wondered what they bought. And try to question the subject. And try to question the subject.

23. Wh- islands Too far— Too far— Wh-movement can’t go past the middle CP without “stopping off” Wh-movement can’t go past the middle CP without “stopping off” *Who did you wonder what bought? *Who did you wonder what bought?

24. Wh- islands Subjacency. Operator movement cannot cross more than one bounding node. Subjacency. Operator movement cannot cross more than one bounding node. IP is a bounding node (in English). IP is a bounding node (in English).

25. CNP-islands We can treat complex NP islands in pretty much the same way—what makes them ungrammatical is trying to move past more than one bounding node. We can treat complex NP islands in pretty much the same way—what makes them ungrammatical is trying to move past more than one bounding node. *What i did Mary believe [ DP the claim that John bought t i ]? *What i did Mary believe [ DP the claim that John bought t i ]?

27. CNP?

28. DP is also a bounding node.

29. *Who did they eat’s lunch? We can’t move just who. The entire phrase whose lunch must be pied- piped along with who. We can’t move just who. The entire phrase whose lunch must be pied- piped along with who. tktk VDP VP I I IP DP i tmtm v vPvP DP v v VkVk titi eat CP C C [+WH] [+Q] C ImIm [+Past] DP titi D ’s D lunch NP DP who they *

30. Bounding nodes and Subjacency In English IP and DP are bounding nodes. In English IP and DP are bounding nodes. In other languages this varies. We won’t explore the evidence here, but Italian and Spanish seem to have CP and DP as bounding nodes. In other languages this varies. We won’t explore the evidence here, but Italian and Spanish seem to have CP and DP as bounding nodes. Subjacency: Wh-movement can cross only one bounding node at a time. Subjacency: Wh-movement can cross only one bounding node at a time. Derives the CNP-island and wh-island constraints. Derives the CNP-island and wh-island constraints.

31. Relative clauses Another place where we see wh- movement, besides in explicit questions (either in the main clause or embedded) is in relative clauses. Another place where we see wh- movement, besides in explicit questions (either in the main clause or embedded) is in relative clauses. The book which I read The book which I read The woman who(m) I met The woman who(m) I met These consist of a head noun (book, woman) and then what appears to be a wh-question that further specifies the referent of the head noun. These consist of a head noun (book, woman) and then what appears to be a wh-question that further specifies the referent of the head noun.

32. Relative clauses Relative clauses serve to modify the head noun. Relative clauses serve to modify the head noun. Kind of like adjectives, or PP modifiers. Kind of like adjectives, or PP modifiers. The unhappy students. The unhappy students. The students from Vancouver. The students from Vancouver. The students who solved the problem. The students who solved the problem. So where would you put them? So where would you put them?

33. Relative clauses The structure of a relative clause is like this. The structure of a relative clause is like this. A [+Q, +WH] CP is adjoined to the NP, like an adjective, or a PP modifier. A [+Q, +WH] CP is adjoined to the NP, like an adjective, or a PP modifier. The meaning is essentially “the man with the property of being the answer to ‘Who did I meet?” ’ The meaning is essentially “the man with the property of being the answer to ‘Who did I meet?” ’ C [+WH] [+Q] C CP IP I met t i man NP D the DPDP NPNP DP i who(m)

34. Quirks The “question” inside a relative clause has a couple of odd properties, not shared with regular main clause or embedded questions. The “question” inside a relative clause has a couple of odd properties, not shared with regular main clause or embedded questions. *The problem what I solved. *The problem what I solved. The problem which I solved. The problem which I solved. The problem which I will solve. The problem which I will solve. The problem I solved. The problem I solved. The problem that I solved. The problem that I solved.

35. Which/that/Ø In addition to being able to say In addition to being able to say The book which Mary read The book which Mary read We can also say We can also say The book that Mary read The book that Mary read and and The book Mary read The book Mary read And they all mean the same thing. So we expect that they would all have basically the same structure (they all have a question adjoined in the NP)—so where is the wh-word in the last two? And they all mean the same thing. So we expect that they would all have basically the same structure (they all have a question adjoined in the NP)—so where is the wh-word in the last two?

36. Op The secret to these last two kinds of relative clauses is Op, the silent wh-word. The secret to these last two kinds of relative clauses is Op, the silent wh-word. That is, the book which Mary read and the book Mary read are really exactly the same except that in one case you pronounce the wh-word, and in the other, you don’t. That is, the book which Mary read and the book Mary read are really exactly the same except that in one case you pronounce the wh-word, and in the other, you don’t. the book [ CP which i Mary read t i ] the book [ CP which i Mary read t i ] the book [ CP Op i Mary read t i ] the book [ CP Op i Mary read t i ]

37. Op It is also possible to pronounce that with Op, giving us: It is also possible to pronounce that with Op, giving us: the book [ CP Op i that [ TP Mary read t i ]] the book [ CP Op i that [ TP Mary read t i ]] Why can’t we pronounce that with which? Why can’t we pronounce that with which? *the book [ CP which i that [ TP Mary read t i ]] *the book [ CP which i that [ TP Mary read t i ]]

38. Doubly-Filled COMP filter The Doubly-Filled COMP filter is the traditional “explanation”. The Doubly-Filled COMP filter is the traditional “explanation”. Doubly-Filled COMP filter: *[ CP wh-word if/that/for…] Doubly-Filled COMP filter: *[ CP wh-word if/that/for…] You can’t pronounce both a wh-word and (a base-generated) C at the same time. Thus: You can’t pronounce both a wh-word and (a base-generated) C at the same time. Thus: the book [ CP Op i [ TP Mary read t i ]] the book [ CP Op i [ TP Mary read t i ]] the book [ CP Op i that [ TP Mary read t i ]] the book [ CP Op i that [ TP Mary read t i ]] the book [ CP which i [ TP Mary read t i ]] the book [ CP which i [ TP Mary read t i ]] *the book [ CP which i that [ TP Mary read t i ]] *the book [ CP which i that [ TP Mary read t i ]]

39. Op Skeptical of Op? Is there really wh-movement of Op, a silent wh-phrase? Skeptical of Op? Is there really wh-movement of Op, a silent wh-phrase? I read the book [ CP which i [ IP Mary said [ CP that [ IP Bill bought t i ]]]]. I read the book [ CP which i [ IP Mary said [ CP that [ IP Bill bought t i ]]]]. *I read the book [ CP which i [ IP Mary wonders [ CP who [ IP bought t i ]]]]. *I read the book [ CP which i [ IP Mary wonders [ CP who [ IP bought t i ]]]]. I read the book [ CP Op i (that) [ IP Mary said [ CP that [ IP Bill bought t i ]]]]. I read the book [ CP Op i (that) [ IP Mary said [ CP that [ IP Bill bought t i ]]]]. *I read the book [ CP Op i (that) [ IP Mary wonders [ CP who [ IP bought t i ]]]]. *I read the book [ CP Op i (that) [ IP Mary wonders [ CP who [ IP bought t i ]]]].

40. Op So if we have a silent wh-phrase, why can’t we ask questions with it? So if we have a silent wh-phrase, why can’t we ask questions with it? Where i did Mary buy this book t i ? Where i did Mary buy this book t i ? When i did Mary buy this book t i ? When i did Mary buy this book t i ? Why i did Mary buy this book t i ? Why i did Mary buy this book t i ? How i did Mary buy this book t i ? How i did Mary buy this book t i ? *Op i did Mary buy this book t i ? *Op i did Mary buy this book t i ? See why? See why?

41. Op Recoverability condition: The content of a null category must be recoverable. Recoverability condition: The content of a null category must be recoverable. the place [Op i (that) Mary bought that book t i ] the place [Op i (that) Mary bought that book t i ] the day [Op i (that) Mary bought that book t i ] the day [Op i (that) Mary bought that book t i ] the reason [Op i (that) Mary bought that book t i ] the reason [Op i (that) Mary bought that book t i ] the way [Op i (that) Mary bought that book t i ] the way [Op i (that) Mary bought that book t i ] In each case, we can tell what the wh- phrase is by looking at the head noun. In each case, we can tell what the wh- phrase is by looking at the head noun.

42. A comment on C Notice that when you use Op, the C—despite being [+Q]—can be pronounced as that. Notice that when you use Op, the C—despite being [+Q]—can be pronounced as that. This seems to mean that that is just a way you can pronounce C if it would otherwise be unpronounced and pronouncing it wouldn’t violate the DFC filter. This seems to mean that that is just a way you can pronounce C if it would otherwise be unpronounced and pronouncing it wouldn’t violate the DFC filter. C [+WH] [+Q] C CP IP I met t i man NP D the DPDP NPNP DP i who(m)

43.                       