1. Subjects in the Linguistic Cycle: a Formal Account of Grammaticalization Elly van Gelderen ellyvangelderen@asu.edu University of Padova, 18 May 2007 www.public.asu.edu/~gelderen/padova.ppt

2. 2 Aims To present a description of some recurring linguistic changes To understand some of these cycles within a Minimalist Program Outline Examples of Cycles Economy Principles Recycling of Subjects

3. 3 Cycles Negative (neg): neg indefinite/adverb > neg particle > (neg particle) Definiteness demonstrative > definite article > Case/non-generic > class marker Agreement emphatic > pronoun > agreement Auxiliary A/P > M > T > C Clausal pronoun > complementizer PP/Adv > Topic > C

4. 4 One Macroparameter à la Baker? a Macro-Cycle or Micro-Cycles? SyntheticAnalytic +/-Polysynthesis, or SM vs. CI?

5. 5 Background on the Cycle/Spiral de Condillac, Tooke, A.W. von Schlegel, von Humboldt, Bopp more recently: Tauli 1958 and Hodge 1970 Grammaticalization literature: word>clitic>affix>0 (from Hopper & Traugott 2003) Formal approaches

6. 6 Economy Principles, e.g. van Gelderen 2004 Head Preference Principle (HPP): Be a head, rather than a phrase. Late Merge Principle (LMP): Merge as late as possible. Specifier Incorporation (SIP) Be incorporated if you are a phrase. Null hypothesis of language acquisition (=Faarlund 2005) A string is a word with lexical content. UG Principles: guidance to the child (in acquisition) and the adult (in the derivation)

7. 7 The Linguistic Cycle, e.g. the Negative Cycle HPP XP SpecX' na wihtXYP not> n’t… Late Merge

8. 8 Negative Cycle (1)a.no/neeOE b.ne(na wiht/not)OE, especially Southern c.(ne)notME, especially Southern d.notLME -not/-n’tLME Old English – South: (2)Næron 3e noht æmetti3e, ðeah ge wel ne dyden not-were you not unoccupied. though you well not did `You were not unoccupied, though you did not do well'. (Pastoral Care, Cotton, Sweet, 206).

9. 9 Wh-cycle a.CPb.CP þatC'(=SIP)C’ (=HPP) se/þam CTPCTP (þe/þat)  that  c.CP wh-C' CTP renewalthat...

10. 10 English relatives in OE and ME OE se þe > þe or þæt: (1) scyldwiga … se þe wel þenceþ shield-fighter … the that well thinks/judges `(Every sharp) shield fighter, who judges well' (Beowulf 287-9). (2)as theo the duden with Godd al thet ha walden. `as those who did with God all that they wanted’. (Ancr. R. III 492)

11. 11 New relatives (1)a laide de Dieu notre Seigneur, Qui vous douit bonne vie et longue. `With the help of God, our Lord, who gives us a good and long life' (Bekynton, from Rydén, p. 131). (2)be the grace of God, who haue yow in kepyng `by the grace of God, who keeps you' (Paston Letters 410).

12. 12 DP Cycle a.DPb.DP demD'  D'(=HPP) DNPDNP artN  c.DP D' DNP ^ N renewal

13. 13 Demonstratives (1)demonstrative/adverb > definite article > Case/non- generic > class marker > 0 (2)gife to … þa munecas of þe mynstre give to … the monks of the abbey (Chron. E 656) (3)To frowne vpon th'enrag'd Northumberland (2Henry4, Shakespeare) (4) Oh they used to be ever so funny houses you know and in them days … They used to have big windows, but they used to a all be them there little tiny ones like that. (BNC - FYD 72)

14. 14 Aspect Cycle a.ASPPb.ASPP ASP‘ASP' ASPVP  ASPVP upVAPup... up  c.ASPP ASP' ASPVP VAP up

15. 15 Perfective aspect Cycle: (1)adverb > affix > 0 One stage: (2)a.Elizabeth's accession allowed him to receive back his wife (BNC-GTB938) b.a husband who changed his mind to receive his wife back without ceremony (BNC-HTX2122). -Pattern (a) has become more frequent in the recent period (Davies 2005), even with definite nominals: In the 100-million British National Corpus, receive occurs nine times in constructions such as (2a) and four times in constructions such as (2b) (twice with a pronoun and twice with a DP) -The use of pronominal objects, typical for the first order, with these verbs has gone down too.

16. 16 Other such adverbs evaporate outboost up dissipate awayissue out spend downorder up (from the library) receive inoffer up

17. 17 Late Merge? Chomsky (1995: 348): Late Merge accounts for the presence of expletive subjects over raising; the principle is used by Fox (2002) to account for Antecedent Contained Deletion and by Bhatt & Pancheva (2004) for the scope of degree clauses. Both Roberts & Roussou (2003) and van Gelderen (2004) use it to account for grammaticalization. Chomsky post 1995: IM = EM, no difference It still seems salvageable but is it better to see things in terms of features?

18. 18 Late Minimalism and Features Architecture –Syntax is inert –All is variation in the lexicon –Approaching UG from below –Computational Efficiency : SM and CI interface Features –uninterpretable = unvalued in the lexicon (Chomsky 2006: 12) –probes value them; removed before CI transfer

19. 19 Feature Economy: uF as SM perfection; iF as CI perfection Economy of Features (at Sensory Motor interface): Minimize the interpretable features in the derivation Spec>Head>zero semantic> interpretable> uninterpretable (phi on N)(uphi on T) Cycle goes from (a) to (b) to (a) … a) Movement links two positions and is thereby economical (synthetic) = uninterpretable/EPP = PHON Economy b) Avoid syncretism; Iconicity is economical (analytic) = semantic and interpretable features = SEM Economy

20. 20 and: a.DP>b.DP that/thoseD'D' [u-phi]DNPDNP [i-loc]N…theN [phi][u-phi] [phi]

21. 21 From V > AUX VPTP VDP>TVP wolde [uCASE] wouldVDP [ACC][phi][uphi] [uphi] later loss of uphi

22. 22 From P > C PPCP PDP>CTPafter [u-phi][3S](u-phi) [ACC][uACC] In English, no phi, but Germanic C-agreement.

23. 23 Renewal at the end of the cycle Newmeyer 2006 notes that some grammaticalizations from noun/verb to affix can take as little as 1000 years, and wonders how there can be anything left to grammaticalize if this is the right scenario. Late Merge (Feature Economy), however, provides an answer for what the source of the replenishments are, namely lexical elements from lower in the tree. There are also borrowings and creative inventions through SIP. The Economy Principles do not provide a reason why certain languages/societies are more conservative than others, e.g. why the split infinitive has encountered such opposition by prescriptivists, and has kept to from grammaticalizing more.

24. 24 Internal and External Change Jespersen: "the correct inference can only be that the tendency towards ease may be at work in some cases, though not in all, because there are other forces which may at times neutralize it or prove stronger than it". Von der Gabelentz (1891/1901: 251/256): "Deutlichkeit" ('clarity') and "Bequemlichkeit" ('comfort'). Chomsky (2006: 9): “The conflict between computational efficiency and ease of communication appears to be resolved, universally, in favor of computational efficiency to satisfy the semantic (CI) interface, lending further support to speculations about its primacy in language design”.

25. 25 The Subject Cycle (1) demonstrative > third person pron > clitic > agrmnt (2) oblique > emphatic > first/second pron > clitic > agrmnt Basque verbal prefixes n-, g-, z- = pronouns ni ‘I’, gu ‘we’, and zu ‘you’. Pama-Nyungan, inflectional markers are derived from independent pronouns. Iroquoian and Uto-Aztecan agreement markers derive from Proto-Iroquoian pronouns Cree verbal markers ni-, ki-, o-/ø = pronouns niya, kiya, wiya.

26. 26 Subject vs Agreement ThetaXP/Xfixed lang Full pronyesXPnoHindi/Urdu, Japanese Head pron yesXnoFrench, (English) Agrmnt =PALyesXyesArabic, Navajo AgreementnoXyesHindi/Urdu, English

27. 27 Subject Cycle: HPP and LMP TPTP(=HPP) DPT’DPT’ pronTVPpronpron-TVP… Urdu/Hindi, JapaneseColl French, CVC TP [DP] T’(=LMP) [pron]pron-TVP Navajo, Spanish, Arabic

28. 28 Feature Economy and the Subject Cycle emphatic > personal > agreement [i-phi][i-phi] [u-phi] [i-Case][uCase]

29. 29 Urdu/Hindi: pronoun = XP (1)a.mẽy nee uskodekha 1S ERGhimDATsaw b.aadmii neekitaabkopeRha man ERGbookDATread (2)ham log `we people‘ (3)mẽy or merii behn doonõ dilii mẽy rehtee hẽ I and my sister both Delhi in living are Not a topic: (4)Mẽytoous seekahũuga I-MFOChe to tell-FUT-3SM `I'll certainly tell him'. (Barker 1975, I, 213)

30. 30 English: in transition (a) Modification, (b) coordination, (c) position, (d) doubling, (e) loss of V-movement, (f) Code switching Coordination (and Case) (1)Kitty and me were to spend the day. (2)%while he and she went across the hall. Position (3)She’s very good, though I perhaps I shouldn’t say so. (4)You maybe you've done it but have forgotten. (5)Me, I was flying economy, but the plane, … was guzzling gas

31. 31 Doubling and cliticization (1)Me, I've tucking had it with the small place. (2)%Him, he.... (3)%Her, she shouldn’t do that (not attested in the BNC) (4)*As for a dog, it should be happy. CSE-FAC: uncliticizedcliticizedtotal I2037685 (=25%)2722 you1176162 (=12.1%)1338 he12819 (=12.9%)147

32. 32 Loss of V-movement and Code switching (5)What I'm go'n do? `What am I going to do' (6)How she's doing? `How is she doing‘ (7)*Hij went awayDutch-English CS (8)Die buren went away

33. 33 Standard to Colloquial French (a) Modification, (b) coordination, (c) position, (d) doubling, (e) loss of V-movement, (f) Code switching (1)et c'est elle qui a eu la place. and it was her who has had the place (2)*Je et tu... (3)*je lis et ecris (4)Moi, j’ai pas vu ça. (5)Et toi, tu aimes le rap? (6) on voit que lui il n'apprécie pas tellement la politique one sees that him he not-appreciates not so the politics (LTSN corpus, p. 15-466)

34. 34 More doubling, loss of V-movement and code switching (1)une omelette elle est comme ça Swiss Spoken an omelette she is like this (2)c'est que chacun il a sa manière de... Swiss Spoken it is that everyone he has his way of (Fonseca-Greber 2000: 335; 338). (3) Alors pourquoi moi aussi je n'aurais pas le droit d'enfumer les autres quelques minutes dans un bar? Then why me also I not-have not the right to fill-with-smoke the others some minutes in a bar (4)tuvasoùColloquial French 2Sgowhere (5)nta tu vas travaillerArabic-French you you go work (from Bentahila and Davies 1983: 313).

35. 35 Italian: Venice (1)Ti te magni sempre you you eat always (2)Nissun (*el) magna Nobody he eats (both from Poletto 2004) Trentino (3)Nisunl'hadit niente nobodyhe-hassaidnothing `Nobody said anything' (4)Tutl'ècapitade not everythingit-hashappenedat night (both from Brandi & Cordin 1989:118)

36. 36 Why does `person’ start the cycle? Definiteness Hierarchy 1/2 > 3 > definite > indefinite/quantifier Another instance: Mexican Spanish, overt Subject: 1sg24.4% 2sg12.5% 3sg8.2% (Lopez, 2007) Poletto (2000): SCL replaces features on a verb; different positions. Or: external/pragmatic?

37. 37 Pronominal Argument Languages, e.g. Navajo (a) optionality of nominals and sentences with more than one nominal are rare. Therefore: nominals are adjuncts, sometimes with a different case system (e.g. Jelinek 1989) (1)bínabinishtin b-í-na-bi-ni-sh-tin 3-against-around-3-Q-1S-handle-IMPF `I teach it to him' (Y&M 1987: 223) (2)(Diné bizaad) yíníshta' Navajo language 1-study `I am studying Navajo'.

38. 38 (b) Absence of anaphors and non-referential quantified DPs and (c) minimal embedding (1)má'iiałtso dibé baayijah coyoteallsheep3-3-ran-away `The sheep ran away from all the coyotes' or `All the sheep ran away from the coyotes'. (Jelinek 2001: 18). (2)honeesná-nígíí yoodlá 3.win-NOM 3.believe `He believes he won' or `he believes the winner' (Willie 1991: 178).

39. 39 Loss of PAL-hood: Warlpiri > Dyirbal PAs in Warlpiri, marked on AUX: (1) ngajulu-rlu ka-rna-ngku nyuntu-0nya-n I-ERGPRES-1NOM-2ACCyou-ABSsee-Non.PST `I see you' (Jelinek 1983: 80; Hale 1973: 328) Dyirbal marks the dependents (2) yabunuma-ŋgubura-n mother-ABSfather-ERGsaw `Father saw mother' (Jelinek 1987: 102).

40. 40 Old English > Middle English Pro-drop and topics: (1) ær ðon ðe hona creawa ðriga mec onsæcest before that that rooster crows thrice me-ACC deny-2S `You will deny me three times before the rooster crows' (Lindisfarne Gospel, Matthew 26.75). (2) As for the secunde þinge wiche longith to a religious tree þat is plantid in religioun: is watering

41. 41 No clear reflexives/quantifiers (1)Ic on earde bad |... ne me swor fela I on earth was-around... not me-DAT swore wrong (Beowulf 2736-8) (2)Ealle we sind gebroðra... and we ealle cweðað All we are brothers... and we all say (Aelfric Hom I 54.8, from Carlson 1978)

42. 42 So far: Subject Cycle= HPP and LMP TPTP(=HPP) DPT’DPT’ pronTVPpronpron-TVP Urdu/Hindi, JapaneseColl French, CVC TP [DP] T’(=LMP) [pron]pron-TVP Navajo, Spanish, Arabic

43. 43 Source of renewals: emphatic (1)‘a:ñi ‘añs-ba:bigǐñeok I1S-IMPFslowlyspeak-IMPF `I was speaking slowly’. (Zepeda 1983) (2)shíéiyáEllyyinishyé ITOPElly1S-called `I am called Elly'.

44. 44 French Old FrenchModern French EmphRegularEmph Regular Subjecttuzerotoitu Obliquetoitetoite (from Harris 1978)

45. 45 Actual Mechanism stage (a): the pronoun moves from specifier of vP to specifier of a higher FP stage (b): the subject pronoun moves from vP- internal position. At what point is the pronoun a head? Chomsky (1995: 249) says "a clitic raises from its [theta]-position, and attaches to an inflectional head. In its [theta]-position, the clitic is an XP; attachment to a head requires that it be an Xo". stage (c): pronouns in the higher position are reanalyzed as agreement markers (=LMP)

46. 46 Old FrenchStandard FrColl French iCaseuCaseuphiiphi New element is introduced whose semantic features are used!

47. 47 The challenge: the dual nature of N and V: need for +/- interpretable f DP: Theta > discourse (position > morphology) V: Theta and TMA Cycle goes from (a) to (b) to (a) … a) Movement links two positions and is thereby economical (=synthetic) = uninterpretable/EPP b) Avoid syncretism; Iconicity is economical (=analytic) = semantic and interpretable features

48. 48 Conclusions description of cyclical changes as Economy –Negative, Demonstrative, (Agreement), and Perfective Cycles –Clause marking through wh P VP adverb Reason: –HPP and LMP, or –Semantic features are reanalyzed as grammatical Grammaticalization (SM Economy) vs renewal(CI Economy)