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Concretization of a construction: Conditioning the Progressive in 20 th - century Spain Grant M. Berry The Pennsylvania State University GURT 2014.

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Presentation on theme: "Concretization of a construction: Conditioning the Progressive in 20 th - century Spain Grant M. Berry The Pennsylvania State University GURT 2014."— Presentation transcript:

1 Concretization of a construction: Conditioning the Progressive in 20 th - century Spain Grant M. Berry The Pennsylvania State University GURT 2014

2 “…thou mayest send for thy wife and children to thee to this village, where there are houses now stand empty, one of which thou mayest have at reasonable rates...” “Now I begin to reap the benefits of my hazards.” Pilgrim’s Progress (John Bunyan, 1678). 2 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion

3 The English Progressive Composed of ‘to be’+Gerund It used to compete with the simple present to convey present temporal reference Now however, it is used in contexts with well-defined temporal constraints Indicate continuity or an action circumscribed to speech time Due to changes in frequency and relative distribution in these temporally- bounded contexts, the Progressive became the norm in those contexts This left the simple Present to convey other imperfective aspects, and it became zero marked for habitual actions (Bybee, Pagliuca, and Perkins 1994) 3 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion

4 ESTAR+Gerund: The Spanish Progressive Composed of an auxiliary verb (estar, ‘to be’) and a gerund Originates from a locative construction Through gradual changes in conditioning and frequency, the following reanalysis has occurred over the last 700 years: (cf. Torres Cacoullos 2011; Torres Cacoullos 2012:78; Bybee 2010:148) However, it is still not as grammaticalized as the English Progressive. The Spanish Progressive can be a useful tool to determine how progressives arise cross-linguistically. 4 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion [ESTAR] LOC + [VERB (GERUND) ] COMPLEMENT  [ESTAR AUX +VERB (GERUND) ] PROG

5 Progressive: Es que estoy hablando por fuera, sí. be-PRS.3SG that be-PRS.1SG speak-GER by outside yes (CORLEC ACON023A:149) I’m just talking outside. Yeah. Simple Present: ¿Y por qué hablas como cortado? (CORLEC ACON023A:148) and for what speak-PRS.2S like cut-PTCP Why are you cutting out? Both in the same utterance: Está haciendo un doctorado be-PRES.3SG do-GER DET-INDF-MASC.SG doctorate y trabaja en el CIEMAT. and work-PRES.3SG in DET-DEF-MASC.SG CIEMAT Current State of Variation: The Spanish Progressive currently exhibits variability with the simple Present when conveying present temporal reference However, the simple Present is not yet zero-marked for habitual like it is in English, because it can still convey progressive meaning In fact, both can still be used within the exact same utterance and temporal context 5 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion

6 Locative (15 th -century) Lucrecia e Melibea están cabe la puerta Lucrecia and Melibea be-PRS-3PL beside DET-DEF-FEM-SG door aguardando a Calisto. (La Celestina: Act XII) watch-GER Calisto Lucrecia and Melibea are beside the door watching Calisto. [ESTAR] LOC + [VERB (GERUND) ] COMPLEMENT Grammaticalization of progressives Locatives often grammaticalize to become progressive Locatives also have a strong connection to progressive constructions (Comrie 1976:98-103) Like many other constructions, they tend to follow a unidirectional grammaticalization path. Eventually, many progressives further grammaticalize to become continuous or imperfectives (Bybee et al.1994: ; Bybee 2010: 107) 6 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion Progressive (20 th -century) Ya te estás haciendo mayor. Ya te Already REFL-be.PRS.2SG do-GER older already Pro-REFL.2SG estás haciendo mayor, ¿no, Bicho? (BCON048B:35) be.PRS.2SG do-GER older no sweetie/bug You’re getting older. You’re getting older, aren’t you sweetie? [ESTAR AUX +VERB (GERUND) ] PROG

7 Limited Duration: Como si alguien eh - está metiendo maraña por aquí. as if someone be-PRS.3SG insert-GER tangle by here (ACON007A:3) Like someone is getting tangled up around here. Extended Duration: Lo cual la hace bastante odiosa. It which ACC-FEM.SG make-PRS.3S enough hated (CCON002A:104) Which makes her pretty hated. Indeterminate: Porque yo me acuerdo de cuando Because PRO-1S REFL-1S agree-PRS.1S of-PREP when yo era jovencito (ECON023A:85). PRO-1S be-IMP.1S Young-DIM-MASC.SG Because I remember when I was young. Progressives and grammatical aspect Aspect can be defined broadly at the level of the phrase or in terms of lexical types (Aktionsart properties) Phrase level: Limited Duration Extended Duration Lexical level: Dynamic verbs Statives 7 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion Dynamic Verb: Si me lo está contagiando a If DAT-1S ACC-MASC.SG be-PRS.3S infect-GER to-PREP mí, es horrible. (ACON112C:168) me-PREP.Obj be-PRES.es horrible If it’s infecting me, it’s horrible. Stative Verb: Tenemos aquí a César Rojo – (ECON006B:62) have-PRS-1PL here César Rojo Here we have César Rojo.

8 Syntactic priming: A tool to autonomy Recycling/Repetition of syntactic structures in discourse Frequently studied in psycholinguistic literature as an automatic process which facilitates syntactic access during production (Ferreira and Bock 2006; Bock 1986) ESTAR+Gerund: Which component pieces are susceptible to priming? Entire construction  autonomy ESTAR or Gerund  some degree of analyzability Simple Present or other  high analyzability, weak construction 8 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion

9 Where does the Spanish Progressive stand? Since the Spanish Progressive still varies with the simple Present, the simple Present has not formed a zero marker for habitual in Spanish like it has in English (Bybee 1994). How has its aspectual distinction, as reflected through its presence in limited duration vs extended duration contexts, changed over the last century? Has the construction maintained a strong affinity for dynamic verbs, or has it generalized to statives as well? (Walker 2010:96) Does the construction demonstrate a degree of analyzability, or has it become autonomous? 9 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion

10 The current study Corpus: Conversational portion of CORLEC (Corpus Oral de Referencia de la Lengua Española Contémporanea) (Marcos-Marín 1992) Conversational Corpus compiled around Madrid between Tokens: Progressive tokens of present temporal reference were exhaustively extracted 340 tokens, 134 unique lexical types Using these lexical types, simple Present tokens were extracted from surrounding files algorithmically, with a maximum extraction of 10 per type. 677 simple Present tokens; 74 unique lexical types Total count: 1017 tokens 10 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion

11 Progressive predictors and variable context Variable Context: Present temporal reference (see Walker 2010) Predictors: (see Torres Cacoullos 2012) Aspect (Phrase) Syntactic priming Polarity of the clause Presence of a co-occurring locative Presence of a co-occurring temporal adverbial Lexical aspect 11 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion

12 Exclusions 12 Truncations Repetitions Repairs Multiple gerunds with a single estar Metalinguistic contexts Quotative decir (‘to say’) Prefabs ya ves’ (‘you see’), ‘digo yo’ (‘I mean’), and ‘lo que pasa’ (‘the issue is…’) Está la vida para ‑ No, estoy ‑ eso, presenciando Be-3.PRS.3SG the life for no be-PRS.1SG that witness-GER en España cómo hemos pasado… (ACON033A:190) in Spain how have-PERF.1PL pass-PTCP Life is for—no, I’m—yes, witnessing in Spain how we’ve passed… IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion Ya te estás haciendo mayor. Ya te Already REFL-be.PRS.2SG do-GER older Already Pro-REFL.2SG estás haciendo mayor, ¿no, Bicho? (BCON048B:35) be.PRS.2SG do-GER older no sweetie/bug You’re getting older. You’re getting older, aren’t you sweetie? …ellos están actuado ‑ actuando dentro de Pro-NOM.MASC.3PL be.PRS.3PL act-PTCP act-GER inside of la burocracia…(ACON026A:62) DET-DEF-FEM.SG bureaucracy They are acted—acting within the bureaucracy …la gente que está escuchando, viendo, DET-DEF-FEM.S people that be-PRS.3SG listen-GER see-GER leyendo medios de comunicación- (ACON009A:25) read-GER means of communication People that are listening to, seeing, and reading means of communication- Se dice el gerundio, estoy REFL say-PRES.3SG DET-DEF-MASC.SG gerund be-PRS-1SG pariendo. (CCON034A:309) birth-GER You say the gerund: I’m giving birth. Y entonces me dice ‑ él: "Pues no and so Pro-ACC.1SG say-QUOT Pro-MASC.3SG well no sé…” (ACON011A:99) know-PRS.1SG And then he tells me: “Well, I don’t know…” Ya ves. Ha subido la already see-PRS.2SG AUX-PRS.3SG raise-PTCP DET-DEF-FEM.SG vida. (ACON006A:33) life. Yeah. Life’s already gotten better.

13 Coding for prime type Priming was determined by looking back three clauses, counting finite verbs. (see Gries 2005, Weiner & Labov 1983) The nearest prime was coded using the following type hierarchy: Progressive (Estar+Gerund) > Estar > Other. If a higher-order type was found within the first three clauses, it was recorded independent of the intervention of other lower-order tokens before it. 13 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion Progressive Estar Other

14 Results Strong effect for aspect Strong priming effect for Progressives Neg polarity is a conservative environment Stative verbs disfavor the construction 14 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion Table 1: Linguistic Factors Conditioning Estar+Gerund in 20 th -century Spain (CORLEC Conversational) Weight%ProgN Aspect Limited Duration0.7959%274/462 Extended Duration0.2412%61/531 Range: 55 Priming Progressive0.7754%57/105 Estar0.5941%45/110 Other0.4530%236/800 Range: 32 Polarity Positive0.5235%330/945 Negative0.3014%10/72 Range: 22 Lexical Aspect Dynamic0.5335%306/868 Stative0.3523%34/149 Range: 18 Co-occurrence of Temporal Adverbial Present0.6235%38/109 Not Present0.4832%281/877 Range:14 Factors not selected as significant: Co-occurrence of a locative expression

15 Diachronic Trends Monotonic increase in limited duration contexts since Old Spanish The construction is continuing its gradual takeover of limited duration contexts Lower overall increase in the 20 th century may be owed to conversational genre Slight increases in extended duration contexts since 17 th c. Why? 15 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion (Adapted in part from Torres Cacoullos 2014:11)

16 16 Table 2: Aspect by Co-occurring Temporal Adverbial NoneAhoraOtherTotal Limited Duration 22858%1680%3063%27459% Prog Total Extended Duration 4810%545%814%6111% Total 27632%2168%3836%33534% IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion Table 3: Aspect by Lexical Aspect DynamicStativeTotal Limited Duration 24762%2744%27459%Prog Total Extended Duration 5512%67%6111% Total 30236%3323%33534% X 2 test p>.1 When occurring in extended duration contexts, it is licensed by a co- occurring temporal adverbial. The construction has generalized to stative verbs, common with progressives (Walker 2010: 96) ¿Qué cuadro estás haciendo ahora, Irene? (BCON043A:1) What-INT painting be-PRS-2SG do-GER now Irene What painting are you working on now (these days), Irene? Yo no sé, por ejemplo yo este año I no know-PRS-1SG for example I this year es que estoy teniendo ‑ (CCON013F:14) it’s that be-PRS-1SG have-GER I don’t know, this year I’ve just been having… Y ha/ ‑ hay gente mayor, gente de ‑ And the- there are people older people of pues eso, mucho ‑ nórdico, que está well that, many Nordic, that be-PRS3S viviendo allí todo el año (ACON023A:18) live-GER there all year And there are older people, people who—well, anyway—many Nordic people who are living (live) there all year.

17 Conclusion The last 100 years have engendered changes in distribution and analyzability of ESTAR+Gerund The construction has further grammaticalized, now showing strong priming effects with itself. This indicates the construction now has a high degree of autonomy It does maintain a slight priming effect for estar, which indicates that the construction is—in contrast to English—still slightly analyzable. Though its gradual monopolization of limited duration contexts is still not at English-like levels, it has generalized to stative verbs and is usually licensed in extended duration contexts by a temporal adverbial 17 IntroductionAspectPrimingCurrent StudyCodingResultsConclusion

18 THANK YOU to: Rena Torres Cacoullos Members of the Department of Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese at Penn State The planning committee of GURT


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