1. As seen from the British side

2. PHASE 1 1945-1950

3. We must build a kind of United States of Europe. There is no reason why a regional organisation of Europe should in any way conflict with the United Nations. On the contrary, I believe that the larger synthesis can only survive if it is founded upon broad natural groupings. There is already a natural grouping in the western hemisphere. We British have our own Commonwealth of Nations.

4. Our policy should be to assist Europe to recover. But in no circumstances must we assist them beyond the point where our assistance would leave us too weak to be a worthwhile ally for the USA. It the last resort, we cannot rely on European countries.

5. PHASE 2 1950-1958

6. We are not prepared to accept the principle that the most vital economic forces of this country should be handed over to an authority that is utterly undemocratic and is responsible to nobody.

7. Britain had not been conquered or invaded; she felt no need to exorcise history. Her imperial role was not yet at an end.

8. PHASE 3 1958-1970

9. Britain has missed the European bus.

10. Entry means the end of Britain as a nation; we become no more than Texas or California in the USA. It means the end of a thousand years of history.

11. PHASE 4 1970-1979

12. Fanfare for Europe Full-hearted acceptance

13. It is not part of the democratic debate that you have to accept any defeat as final.

14. PHASE 5 1979-1997

15. We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them re-imposed at a European level, with a new super-state exercising a new dominance from Brussels.

16. This is all a German racket designed to take over the whole of Europe. This rushed takeover by the Germans on the worst possible basis, with the French behaving like poodles to the Germans, is absolutely intolerable. Im not against giving up sovereignty in principle, but not to this lot. You might just as well give it to Adolf Hitler, frankly. Im not sure I wouldnt rather have the shelters and the chance to fight back, than simply being taken over by economics. Kohl will soon be coming here and trying to say that this is what we should do on the banking front and this is what our taxes should be. I mean, hell soon be trying to take over everything. It has to be thwarted.

17. PHASE 6 1997-

18. In 1950 we jibbed at the supra-national nature of the proposed Coal & Steel Community, the first insti- tution of European unity. Herbert Morrison complained that the Durham miners will never wear it – although staying out didnt save their jobs in the 1960s and 70s. So we said that it wouldnt happen. Then we said it wouldnt work. Then we said we didnt need it. But it did happen. And Britain was left behind.