1. Computing Textual Inferences Cleo Condoravdi Palo Alto Research Center Georgetown University Halloween, 2008

2. Overview Motivation Local Textual Inference Textual Inference Initiatives and refinements PARC’s BRIDGE system XLE Abstract Knowledge Representation (AKR) Conceptual and temporal structure Contextual structure and instantiability Semantic relations Entailments and presuppositions Relative polarity Entailment and Contradiction (ECD) (Interaction with external temporal reasoner)

3. Access to content: existential claims What happened? Who did what to whom? Microsoft managed to buy Powerset.  Microsoft acquired Powerset. Shackleton failed to get to the South Pole.  Shackleton did not reach the South Pole. The destruction of the file was not illegal.  The file was destroyed. The destruction of the file was averted.  The file was not destroyed.

4. Access to content: monotonicity What happened? Who did what to whom? Every boy managed to buy a small toy.  Every small boy acquired a toy. Every explorer failed to get to the South Pole.  No experienced explorer reached the South Pole. No file was destroyed.  No sensitive file was destroyed. The destruction of a sensitive file was averted.  A file was not destroyed.

5. Access to content: temporal domain What happened when? Ed visited us every day last week.  Ed visited us on Monday last week. Ed has been living in Athens for 3 years. Mary visited Athens in the last 2 years.  Mary visited Athens while Ed lived in Athens. The deal lasted through August, until just before the government took over Freddie. (NYT, Oct. 5, 2008)  The government took over Freddie after August.

6. Grammatical analysis for access to content Identify “Microsoft” as the buyer argument of the verb “buy” Identify “Shackleton” as the traveler argument of the verb “get to” Identify lexical relation between “destroy” and “destruction” Identify syntactic relation between verbal predication “destroy the file” and nominal predication “destruction of the file” Identify the infinitival clause as an argument of “manage” and “fail” Identify the noun phrases “every”, “a”, “no” combine with Identify the phrases “every day”, “on Monday”, “last week” as modifiers of “visit” Identify “has been living” as a present progressive

7. Knowledge about words for access to content The verb “acquire” is a hypernym of the verb “buy” The verbs “get to” and “reach” are synonyms Inferential properties of “manage”, “fail”, “avert”, “not” Monotonicity properties of “every”, “a”, “no”, “not” Restrictive behavior of adjectival modifiers “small”, “experienced”, “sensitive” The type of temporal modifiers associated with prepositional phrases headed by “in”, “for”, “on”, or even nothing (e.g. “last week”, “every day”)

8. Toward NL Understanding Local Textual Inference A measure of understanding a text is the ability to make inferences based on the information conveyed by it. We can test understanding by asking questions about the text. Veridicality reasoning Did an event mentioned in the text actually occur? Temporal reasoning When did an event happen? How are events ordered in time? Spatial reasoning Where are entities located and along which paths do they move? Causality reasoning Enablement, causation, prevention relations between events

9. Local Textual Inference PASCAL RTE Challenge (Ido Dagan, Oren Glickman) 2005, 2006 PREMISE CONCLUSION TRUE/FALSE Rome is in Lazio province and Naples is in Campania. Rome is located in Lazio province. TRUE ( = entailed by the premise) Romano Prodi will meet the US President George Bush in his capacity as the president of the European commission. George Bush is the president of the European commission. FALSE (= not entailed by the premise)

10. PARC Entailment and Contradiction Detection (ECD) Text: Kim hopped. Hypothesis:Someone moved. Answer:TRUE Text:Sandy touched Kim. Hypothesis:Sandy kissed Kim. Answer:UNKNOWN Text:Sandy kissed Kim. Hypothesis:No one touched Kim. Answer:NO Text:Sandy didn’t wait to kiss Kim. Hypothesis: Sandy kissed Kim. Answer:AMBIGUOUS

11. Linguistic meaning vs. speaker meaning  Not a pre-theoretic but rather a theory-dependent distinction  Multiple readings ambiguity of meaning? single meaning plus pragmatic factors? The diplomat talked to most victims The diplomat did not talk to all victims UNKNOWN / YES You can have the cake or the fruit. You can have the fruit I don’t know which. YESUNKNOWN

12. World Knowledge Romano Prodi will meet the US President George Bush in his capacity as the president of the European commission. George Bush is the president of the European commission. FALSE (= not entailed by the premise on the correct anaphoric resolution) G. Karas will meet F. Rakas in his capacity as the president of the European commission. F. Rakas is the president of the European commission. TRUE (= entailed by the premise on one anaphoric resolution)

13. Recognizing textual entailments Monotonicity Calculus, Polarity, Semantic Relations Much of language-oriented reasoning is tied to specific words, word classes and grammatical features Class 1: “fail”, “refuse”, “not”, … Class 2: “manage”, “succeed”, … Tenses, progressive –ing form, … Representation and inferential properties of modifiers of different kinds throughout July vs. in July for the last three years vs. in the last three years sleep three hours -- duration sleep three times -- cardinality

14. XLE Pipeline Mostly symbolic system Ambiguity-enabled through packed representation of analyses Filtering of dispreferred/improbable analyses is possible OT marks mostly on c-/f-structure pairs, but also on c-structures on semantic representations for selectional preferences Statistical models PCFG-based pruning of the chart of possible c-structures Log-linear model that selects n-best c-/f-structure pairs morphological analyses c-structures c-/f-structure pairs CSTRUCTURE OT marks PCFG-based chart pruning “general” OT marks log-linear model

15. Ambiguity is rampant in language Alternatives multiply within and across layers… C-structureF-structureLinguistic Sem Abstract KR KRR

16. What not to do Use heuristics to prune as soon as possible C-structureF-structureLinguistic semAbstract KRKRR X X X Statistics X Oops: Strong constraints may reject the so-far-best (= only) option Fast computation, wrong result X

17. Manage ambiguity instead The sheep liked the fish. How many sheep? How many fish? The sheep-sg liked the fish-sg. The sheep-pl liked the fish-sg. The sheep-sg liked the fish-pl. The sheep-pl liked the fish-pl. Options multiplied out The sheep liked the fish sg pl Options packed Packed representation: – Encodes all dependencies without loss of information – Common items represented, computed once – Key to practical efficiency with broad-coverage grammars

18. System Overview “A girl hopped.” string syntactic F-structure LFG Parser rewrite rules AKR (Abstract Knowledge Representation)‏

19. XLE Pipeline ProcessOutput Text-BreakingDelimited Sentences NE recognitionType-marked Entities (names, dates, etc.) Morphological AnalysisWord stems + features LFG parsingFunctional Representation Semantic ProcessingScope, Predicate-argument structure AKR RulesAbstract Knowledge Representation AlignmentAligned T-H Concepts and Contexts Entailment and Contradiction Detection YES / NO / UNKNOWN

20. XLE System Architecture Text  AKR Parse text to f-structures Constituent structure Represent syntactic/semantic features (e.g. tense, number) Localize arguments (e.g. long-distance dependencies, control) Rewrite f-structures to AKR clauses Collapse syntactic alternations (e.g. active-passive) Flatten embedded linguistic structure to clausal form Map to concepts and roles in some ontology Represent intensionality, scope, temporal relations Capture commitments of existence/occurrence

21. AKR representation concept termWordNet synsets thematic role A collection of statements instantiability facts event time

22. F-structures vs. AKR Nested structure of f-structures vs. flat AKR F-structures make syntactically, rather than conceptually, motivated distinctions Syntactic distinctions canonicalized away in AKR Verbal predications and the corresponding nominalizations or deverbal adjectives with no essential meaning differences Arguments and adjuncts map to roles Distinctions of semantic importance are not encoded in f-structures Word senses Sentential modifiers can be scope taking (negation, modals, allegedly, predictably) Tense vs. temporal reference Nonfinite clauses have no tense but they do have temporal reference Tense in embedded clauses can be past but temporal reference is to the future

23. F-Structure to AKR Mapping F-Structure to AKR Mapping Input: F-structures Output: clausal, abstract KR Mechanism: packed term rewriting Rewriting system controls lookup of external ontologies via Unified Lexicon compositionally-driven transformation to AKR Transformations: Map words to Wordnet synsets Canonicalize semantically equivalent but formally distinct representations Make conceptual & intensional structure explicit Represent semantic contribution of particular constructions

24. F-Structure to AKR Mapping F-Structure to AKR Mapping Input: F-structures Output: clausal, abstract KR Mechanism: packed term rewriting Rewriting system controls lookup of external ontologies via Unified Lexicon compositionally-driven transformation to AKR Transformations: Map words to Wordnet synsets Canonicalize semantically equivalent but formally distinct representations Make conceptual & intensional structure explicit Represent semantic contribution of particular constructions

25. Basic structure of AKR Conceptual Structure Predicate-argument structures Sense disambiguation Associating roles to arguments and modifiers Contextual Structure Clausal complements Negation Sentential modifiers Temporal Structure Representation of temporal expressions Tense, aspect, temporal modifiers

26. Ambiguity management with choice spaces girl with a telescope seeing with a telescope

27. Conceptual Structure  Captures basic predicate-argument structures  Maps words to WordNet synsets  Assigns VerbNet roles subconcept(talk:4,[talk-1,talk-2,speak-3,spill-5,spill_the_beans-1,lecture-1]) role(Actor,talk:4,Ed:1) subconcept(Ed:1,[male-2]) alias(Ed:1,[Ed]) role(cardinality_restriction,Ed:1,sg) Shared by “Ed talked”, “Ed did not talk” and “Bill will say that Ed talked.”

28. Temporal Structure temporalRel(startsAfterEndingOf,Now,talk:6) temporalRel(startsAfterEndingOf,say:6,Now) temporalRel(startsAfterEndingOf,say:6,talk:21) “Bill will say that Ed talked.” Shared by “Ed talked.” and “Ed did not talk.”  Matrix vs. embedded tense

29. Canonicalization in conceptual structure subconcept(tour:13,[tour-1]) role(Theme,tour:13,John:1) role(Location,tour:13,Europe:21) subconcept(Europe:21,[location-1]) alias(Europe:21,[Europe]) role(cardinality_restriction,Europe:21,sg) subconcept(John:1,[male-2]) alias(John:1,[John]) role(cardinality_restriction,John:1,sg) subconcept(travel:6,[travel-1,travel-2,travel- 3,travel-4,travel-5,travel-6]) role(Theme,travel:6,John:1) role(Location,travel:6,Europe:22) subconcept(Europe:22,[location-1]) alias(Europe:22,[Europe]) role(cardinality_restriction,Europe:22,sg) subconcept(John:1,[male-2]) alias(John:1,[John]) role(cardinality_restriction,John:1,sg) “John took a tour of Europe.” “ John traveled around Europe.”

30. Contextual Structure context(t) context(ctx(talk:29)) context(ctx(want:19)) top_context(t) context_relation(t,ctx(want:19),crel(Topic,say:6)) context_relation(ctx(want:19),ctx(talk:29),crel(Theme,want:19)) Bill said that Ed wanted to talk.  Use of contexts enables flat representations Contexts as arguments of embedding predicates  Contexts as scope markers

31. Concepts and Contexts  Concepts live outside of contexts.  Still we want to tie the information about concepts to the contexts they relate to.  Existential commitments Did something happen? e.g. Did Ed talk? Did Ed talk according to Bill? Does something exist? e.g. There is a cat in the yard. There is no cat in the yard.

32. Instantiability An instantiability assertion of a concept-denoting term in a context implies the existence of an instance of that concept in that context. An uninstantiability assertion of a concept-denoting term in a context implies there is no instance of that concept in that context. If the denoted concept is of type event, then existence/nonexistence corresponds to truth or falsity.

33. Negation Contextual structure context(t) context(ctx(talk:12))new context triggered by negation context_relation(t, ctx(talk:12), not:8) antiveridical(t,ctx(talk:12))interpretation of negation Local and lifted instantiability assertions instantiable(talk:12, ctx(talk:12)) uninstantiable (talk:12, t) entailment of negation “Ed did not talk”

34. Relations between contexts Generalized entailment: veridical If c2 is veridical with respect to c1, the information in c2 is part of the information in c1 Lifting rule: instantiable(Sk, c2) => instantiable(Sk, c1) Inconsistency: antiveridical If c2 is antiveridical with respect to c1, the information in c2 is incompatible with the info in c1 Lifting rule: instantiable(Sk, c2) => uninstantiable(Sk, c1) Consistency: averidical If c2 is averidical with respect to c1, the info in c2 is compatible with the information in c1 No lifting rule between contexts

35. Determinants of context relations Relation depends on complex interaction of Concepts Lexical entailment class Syntactic environment Example He didn’t remember to close the window. He doesn’t remember that he closed the window. He doesn’t remember whether he closed the window. He closed the window. Contradicted by 1 Implied by 2 Consistent with 3

36. Embedded clauses The problem is to infer whether an embedded event is instantiable or uninstantiable on the top level. It is surprising that there are no WMDs in Iraq. It has been shown that there are no WMDs in Iraq. ==> There are no WMDs in Iraq.

37. Embedded examples in real text From Google: Song, Seoul's point man, did not forget to persuade the North Koreans to make a “strategic choice” of returning to the bargaining table... Song persuaded the North Koreans… The North Koreans made a “strategic choice”…

38. Semantic relations Presupposition(Factive verbs, Implicative verbs) It is surprising that there are no WMDs in Iraq. It is not surprising that there are no WMDs in Iraq. Is it surprising that there are no WMDs in Iraq? If it is surprising that there are no WMDs in Iraq, it is because we had good reasons to think otherwise. Entailment(Implicative verbs) It has been shown that there are no WMDs in Iraq. It has not been shown that there are no WMDs in Iraq. Has it been shown that there are no WMDs in Iraq? If it has been shown that there are no WMDs in Iraq, the war has turned out to be a mistake.

39. Factives ClassInference Pattern Positive Negative +-/+ forget that forget that X ⇝ X, not forget that X ⇝ X +-/- pretend that pretend that X ⇝ not X, not pretend that X ⇝ not X

40. Implicatives ++/-- manage to +-/-+ fail to manage to X ⇝ X, not manage to X ⇝ not X fail to X ⇝ not X, not fail to X ⇝ X ++ force to force X to Y ⇝ Y +- prevent from prevent X from Ying ⇝ not Y -- be able to not be able to X ⇝ not X -+ hesitate to not hesitate to X ⇝ X ClassInference Pattern Two-way implicatives One-way implicatives

41. Implicatives under Factives It is surprising that Bush dared to lie. It is not surprising that Bush dared to lie. Bush lied.

42. Phrasal Implicatives Have Take Ability Noun Chance Noun Character Noun = --Implicative = ++/--Implicative Miss Chance Noun= +-/-+Implicative SeizeChance Noun= ++/--Implicative Chance Noun Effort Noun Asset Noun = ++/--Implicative Use Chance Noun Asset Noun = ++/--Implicative Waste Chance Noun Asset Noun = +-/-+Implicative = ++/--Implicative + + + + + + (ability/means) (chance/opportunity) (courage/nerve) (chance/opportunity) (money) (trouble/initiative) (chance/opportunity) (money) (chance/opportunity) (money) (chance/opportunity)

43. Conditional verb classes Joe had the chutzpah to steal the money. ⇝ Joe stole the money. Two-way implicative with “character nouns” “character noun” (gall, gumption, audacity…)

44. Relative Polarity  Veridicality relations between contexts determined on the basis of a recursive calculation of the relative polarity of a given “embedded” context  Globality: The polarity of any context depends on the sequence of potential polarity switches stretching back to the top context  Top-down each complement-taking verb or other clausal modifier, based on its parent context's polarity, either switches, preserves or simply sets the polarity for its embedded context

45. Example: polarity propagation “Ed did not forget to force Dave to leave.” “Dave left.”

46. Ed Dave subj objsubjcomp subj not force Dave leave forget Ed + - + + subj Dave leave

47. Summary of basic structure of AKR Conceptual Structure Terms representing types of individuals and events, linked to WordNet synonym sets by subconcept declarations. Concepts typically have roles associated with them. Ambiguity is encoded in a space of alternative choices. Contextual Structure t is the top-level context, some contexts are headed by some event term Clausal complements, negation and sentential modifiers also introduce contexts. Contexts can be related in various ways such as veridicality. Instantiability declarations link concepts to contexts. Temporal Structure Locating events in time. Temporal relations between events.

48. ECD ECD operates on the AKRs of the passage and of the hypothesis ECD operates on packed AKRs, hence no disambiguation is required for entailment and contradiction detection If one analysis of the passage entails one analysis of the hypothesis and another analysis of the passage contradicts some other analysis of the hypothesis, the answer returned is AMBIGUOUS Else: If one analysis of the passage entails one analysis of the hypothesis, the answer returned is YES If one analysis of the passage contradicts one analysis of the hypothesis, the answer returned is NO Else: The answer returned is UNKNOWN

49. AKR (Abstract Knowledge Representation)

50. More specific entails less specific

51. How ECD works Kim hopped. Someone moved. Text: Hypothesis: Alignment Specificity computation Elimination of H facts that are entailed by T facts. Kim hopped. Someone moved. Text: Hypothesis: Kim hopped.Text: Hypothesis: t t t t t t Context Someone moved.

52. Alignment and specificity computation Specificity computation Alignment Every (↓) (↑)Some (↑) (↑) Every boy saw a small cat. Every small boy saw a cat. Text: Hypothesis: Every boy saw a small cat. Every small boy saw a cat. Text: Hypothesis: Every boy saw a small cat. Every small boy saw a cat. Text: Hypothesis: t t t t t t Context

53. Elimination of entailed terms Every boy saw a small cat. Every small boy saw a cat. Text: Hypothesis: t t Every boy saw a small cat. Every small boy saw a cat. Text: Hypothesis: t t Every boy saw a small cat. Every small boy saw a cat. Text: Hypothesis: t t Context

54. Contradiction: instantiable --- uninstantiable

55. Stages of ECD 1. WordNet and Alias alignment for (un)instantiable concepts in conclusion 1a Returns depending on hyperlists of terms 1b Returns depending on theory of names (assuming 1a matched) 2. Make extra top contexts for special cases — e.g. Making head of question (below) interrogative a top_context 3. Context alignment Any top context in conclusion aligns with any top context in premise Any non-top_context in conclusion aligns with any non top_context in premise if their context_heads align in stage 1 4. paired_roles are saved (roles with the same role name in premise and conclusion on aligned concepts)

56. Stages of ECD 6. unpaired roles in premise and conclusion (both) makes concepts not align. 7. cardinality restrictions on concepts are checked and modify alignment direction (including dropping inconsistent alignments) 8. Paired roles are checked to see how their value specificity affects alignment 9. Temporal modifiers are used to modify alignment 10. Instantiable concepts in the conclusion are removed if there is an more specific concept instantiable in an aligned context in premise. 11. Conversely for uninstantiable 12. Contradiction checked (instantiable in premise and uninstantiable in conclusion, and vice versa)

57. AKR modifications AKR0 P-AKR Q-AKR simplify augment Oswald killed Kennedy => Kennedy died. Kim managed to hop. => Kim hopped. normalize The situation improved. The situation became better. =>

58. From temporal modifiers to temporal relations Inventory of temporal relations: the Allen relations plus certain disjunctions thereof Recognize the type of temporal modifier e.g. bare modifiers, “in” PPs, “for” PPs Ed visited us Monday/that week/every day. Ed slept the last two hours. Ed will arrive a day from/after tomorrow. Represent the interval specified in the temporal modifier Locate intervals designated by temporal expressions on time axis Determine qualitative relations among time intervals

59. Interpretation of temporal expressions Compositional make-up determines qualitative relations Relative ordering can be all a sentence specifies Reference of calendrical expressions depends on interpretation of tense Two different computations Determine qualitative relations among time intervals Locate intervals designated by temporal expressions on time axis Infer relations not explicitly mentioned in text Some through simple transitive closure Others require world/domain knowledge

60. Temporal modification under negation and quantification Temporal modifiers affect monotonicity-based inferences Everyone arrived in the first week of July 2000. Everyone arrived in July 2000. YES No one arrived in July 2000. No one arrived in the first week of July 2000. YES Everyone stayed throughout the concert. Everyone stayed throughout the first part of the concert. YES No one stayed throughout the concert. No one stayed throughout the first part of the concert. UNKNOWN

61. Quantified modifiers and monotonicity Many inference patterns do not depend on calendrical anchoring but on basic monotonicity properties Monotonicity-based inferences depend on implicit dependencies being represented Last year, in September, he visited us every day. Last year he visited us every day. UNKNOWN Last year he visited us every day. Last year he visited us every day in September. YES Every boy bought a toy from Ed. Every boy bought a toy. YES Every boy bought a toy. Every boy bought a toy from Ed. UNKNOWN

62. Allen Interval Relations RelationIllustrationInterpretation X < Y Y > X X _ _ Y _ X takes place before Y X m Y Y mi X _ X _ _ Y _ X meets Y (i stands for inverse X o Y Y oi X _ X _ _ Y _ X overlaps Y X s Y Y si X _ X _ _ Y _ X starts Y X d Y Y di X _ X _ _ Y _ X during Y X F Y Y fi X _ X _ _ Y _ X finishes Y X = Y _ X _ _ Y _ X is equal to Y (X is cotemporal with Y)

63. Qualitative relations of intervals and events Left boundaryRight boundary throughout NOW within Determining the relevant interval Determining the relation between interval and event Taking negation and quantification into consideration

64. From language to qualitative relations of intervals and events Left boundaryRight boundary throughout NOW Ed has been living in Athens for 3 years. Mary visited Athens in the last 2 years.  Mary visited Athens while Ed lived in Athens. Ed’s living in Athens Mary’s visit to Athens within Left boundary

65. From English to AKR Ed has been living in Athens for 3 years. trole(duration,extended_now:13,interval_size(3,year:17)) trole(when,extended_now:13,interval(finalOverlap,Now)) trole(when,live:3,interval(includes,extended_now:13) Mary visited Athens in the last 2 years. trole(duration,extended_now:10,interval_size(2,year:11)) trole(when,extended_now:10,interval(finalOverlap,Now)) trole(when,visit:2,interval(included_in,extended_now:10)) Mary visited Athens while Ed lived in Athens. trole(ev_when,live:22,interval(includes,visit:6)) trole(ev_when,visit:6,interval(included_in,live:22))

66. Quantified modifiers and monotonicity Many inference patterns do not depend on calendrical anchoring but on basic monotonicity properties Monotonicity-based inferences depend on implicit dependencies being represented Last year, in September, he visited us every day. Last year he visited us every day. UNKNOWN Last year he visited us every day. Last year he visited us every day in September. YES Every boy bought a toy from Ed. Every boy bought a toy. YES Every boy bought a toy. Every boy bought a toy from Ed. UNKNOWN

67. Distributed modifiers Multiple temporal modifiers are dependent on one another Implicit dependencies are made explicit in the representation Ed visited us in July, 1991. trole(when,visit:1,interval(included_in,date:month(7):18)) trole(subinterval,date:month(7):18,date:year(1991):18) In 1991 Ed visited us in July. trole(when,visit:12,interval(included_in,date:month(7):26)) trole(subinterval,date:month(7):26,date:year(1991):4) In 1991 Ed visited us in July every week. trole(when,visit:12,interval(included_in,week:37)) trole(subinterval,week:37,date:month(7):26) trole(subinterval,date:month(7):26,date:year(1991):4)

68. Associating time points with event descriptions Trilobites: 540m ‐ 251m years ago Ammonites: 400m ‐ 65m years ago 1. There were trilobites before there were ammonites. TRUE 2. There were ammonites before there were trilobites. FALSE 3. There were trilobites after there were ammonites. TRUE 4. There were ammonites after there were trilobites. TRUE

69. Associating time points with event descriptions 1. Ed felt better before every injection was administered to him. ordering wrt last injection 2. Ed felt better after every injection was administered to him. ordering wrt last injection 3. Ed felt better before most injections were administered to him. ordering wrt first injection to tip the balance 4. Ed felt better after most injections were administered to him. ordering wrt first injection to tip the balance

70. How “before” and “after” order In a modifier of the form before S or after S, we need to derive from S a temporal value to pass on to the preposition. The default operation takes the end of the earliest interval when S is true. The temporal asymmetry of this operation produces the appearance of after and before being non-inverses.

71. TimeBank and TimeML A corpus of 183 news articles annotated by hand with temporal information following the TimeML specification Events, times and temporal links between them are identified and texts are appropriately annotated TimeML represents temporal information using four primary tag types: TIMEX3 for temporal expressions EVENT for temporal events SIGNAL for temporal signals LINK for representing relationships Semantics of TimeML an open issue

72. TimeML and AKR

73. TimeML-AKR match

74. Credits for the Bridge System NLTT (Natural Language Theory and Technology) group at PARC Daniel Bobrow Bob Cheslow Cleo Condoravdi Dick Crouch* Ronald Kaplan* Lauri Karttunen Tracy King** = now at Powerset John Maxwell Valeria de Paiva †† = now at Cuil Annie Zaenen Interns Rowan Nairn Matt Paden Karl Pichotta Lucas Champollion

75. Thank you Thank you