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1. Review Carothers’ critique of the transition paradigm with specific empirical challenges for 3 rd wave electoral democracies.

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Presentation on theme: "1. Review Carothers’ critique of the transition paradigm with specific empirical challenges for 3 rd wave electoral democracies."— Presentation transcript:

1 1. Review Carothers’ critique of the transition paradigm with specific empirical challenges for 3 rd wave electoral democracies.

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3 1. Any country moving away from dictatorial rule can be considered in transition toward democracy.  Many countries have adopted a few democratic features, yet show few signs of democratizing further.  Should be understood as having alternative directions different from democratic transition.

4 2. Democracy tends to unfold in a set sequence of stages.  In many cases not as transitologists would expect.  E.g. Taiwan, South Korea, Mexico – extremely gradual and government- controlled.

5 3. Belief in the crucial importance of elections.  Often elections don’t lead to much else in democratization.

6  Basically free & fair elections for president but no checks & balances.  Not “consolidated” in terms of institutionalization, but may be stable & enduring.  E.g. Venezuela, Argentina, Peru, Russia.

7 4. Belief that structural conditions will not strongly affect the initiation or outcome of democratic transition.  May be true of initial transition, but socioeconomic “preconditions” very important for successful further democratization.

8 4. Belief that structural conditions will not strongly affect the initiation or outcome of democratic transition.  Cultural/ historical legacy: Central and Eastern Europe, former USSR. ▪ “Distance from Berlin” pattern shows salience of history with democracy and cultural integration with Europe.

9 4. Belief that structural conditions will not strongly affect the initiation or outcome of democratic transition.  Informal institutions: “unwritten rules, norms, and social conventions rooted in shared expectations and reinforced by social sanctions” (Collins).  E.g. Corruption, organized crime, clans, other patron-client networks.

10  Formally democratic institutions established after fall of USSR.  Relations among clans really determine power and resource distributions.  Clans = large kinship-based networks.  Asset-stripping and “crowd out” democratic processes.  Prevent rule of law.

11 5. Assumption that democratic transitions are being created in functioning, stable states.  State-building has been a much bigger task than analysts and foreign donors imagined.


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