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Null Instantiation Nina Jagtiani and Chris Sams  7420 Fall 2006.

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Presentation on theme: "Null Instantiation Nina Jagtiani and Chris Sams  7420 Fall 2006."— Presentation transcript:

1 Null Instantiation Nina Jagtiani and Chris Sams  7420 Fall 2006

2 FrameNet

3 What is Null Instantiation? n There are cases where arguments are semantically present, but absent syntactically. n Semantically, we can categorize the missing argument by how it is interpreted. n Syntactically, we can categorize the missing argument by how it is licensed.

4 Semantic Classification n Indefinite Null Instantiation (INI) – Jena ate. – The referent of the missing argument is not recoverable from the text. n Definite Null Instantiation (DNI) – I told you already. (tell, inform, and notify) – The referent should be recoverable from the context.

5 Semantic Classification contd. n Constructional Null Instantiation (CNI) – Harsh things were said. – Tell me about yourself. – The referent that is missing is determined by the syntactic construction. (Passives and imperatives allow an unexpressed argument.)

6 Syntactic Classification n Lexical- The potential for a missing argument comes from the lexical entry of the licensing head e.g. ‘eat’ allows INI of it’s object, but ‘devour’ does not n Systemic- Japanese any argument pro-drop (must be nice) and Spanish ‘pro-drop’. Systemic pro-drop allows DNI.

7 A claim about the theory... n No language allows INI of subjects. n What is Will’s take on the claim?

8 Will has reviewed the literature, and has a concern... n The German Impersonal Passive – Hier wird nicht geparkt. (No parking here) – Im Gang wird nicht geraucht (No smoking in the corridor) – Here we seem to have a INI of the subject.

9 What about Japanese? n Tabeta – I/you/he ate or I/you/he ate it. – Who ate it? – The context determines the meaning.

10 Evidence for the argument being present on the conceptual level n From Koenig (1993) n La correspondante elle (les) admirait aussi. n The corrispondent she (them) admired also. n Je lui ai fait manger chaudes. n I him have made eat (them) hot

11 Motion (Fillmore 1986) n Many motion verbs of location, allow DNI of the location SOURCE (leave, depart) GOAL (arrive or come) and LANDMARK (pass or cross). n The solution occurred to me right before I left ( ) at 4pm. n However, with ficitive motion as in ‘the highway passes’ the LANDMARK is not subject to omission. n The highway passes (Springdale) before heading in an easterly direction.

12 Focal Ellipsis n Let’s look at page 367

13 Focal Ellipsis n What is missing is a focus rather than a referent that has active discourse status and/or bears the pragmatic relation to the proposition expressed by the clause (Ruppenhofer p. 367)

14 A nice chart n Let’s look at page 368

15 Blocked Complements n Page 371-72

16 % of NI of certain verbs n Page 423

17 Syntactic Properties of Various Omission Types n Page 428

18 Where to go from here? n Problems: incorporation p. 476 n Cross linguistic concerns? n Is it possible to predict which element of a given verb frame will be NI?


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