Presentation is loading. Please wait.

Presentation is loading. Please wait.

CS 4705 Lecture 17 Semantic Analysis: Syntax-Driven Semantics.

Similar presentations

Presentation on theme: "CS 4705 Lecture 17 Semantic Analysis: Syntax-Driven Semantics."— Presentation transcript:

1 CS 4705 Lecture 17 Semantic Analysis: Syntax-Driven Semantics

2 Review Some representations of meaning: –First order logic –Frames –etc. Some linguistically relevant categories we want to represent –Predicates, arguments, variables, quantifiers –Categories, events, time, aspect Today: How can we compute meaning about these categories from these representations?

3 Compositional Semantics The meaning of the whole is made up of the meaning of its parts –George cooks. Dan eats. Dan is sick. –Cook(George) Eat(Dan) Sick(Dan) –If George cooks and Dan eats, Dan will get sick. (Cook(George) ^ eat(Dan))  Sick(Dan) Sick(Dan)  Cook(George) Part of the meaning derives from the people and activities it’s about (predicates and arguments, or, nouns and verbs) and part from the way they are ordered and related grammatically: syntax

4 Syntax-Driven Semantics S NP VP eat(Dan) Nom V N Dan eats So….can we link up syntactic structures to a corresponding semantic representation to produce the ‘meaning’ of a sentence in the course of parsing it?

5 Specific vs. General-Purpose Rules We don’t want to have to specify for every possible parse tree what semantic representation it maps to We want to identify general mappings from parse trees to semantic representations: –Again (as with feature structures) we will augment the lexicon and the grammar –Rule-to-rule hypothesis: a mapping exists between rules of the grammar and rules of semantic representation

6 Semantic Attachments Extend each grammar rule with instructions on how to map the components of the rule to a semantic representation (grammars are getting complex) S  NP VP {VP.sem(NP.sem)} Each semantic function is defined in terms of the semantic representation of choice Problem: how to define these functions and how to specify their composition so we always get the meaning representation we want from our grammar?

7 A ‘Simple’ Example AyCaramba serves meat. Associating constants with constituents –ProperNoun  AyCaramba {AyCaramba} –MassNoun  meat {Meat} Defining functions to produce these from input –NP  ProperNoun {ProperNoun.sem} –NP  MassNoun {MassNoun.sem} –Assumption: meaning reps of children are passed up to parents for non-branching constuents Verbs here are where the action is

8 –V  serves {E(e,x,y) Isa(e,Serving) ^ Server(e,x) ^ Served(e,y)} –Will every verb have its own distinct representation? –Predicate(Agent,Patient)… How do we combine these pieces? –VP  V NP –Goal: E(e,x) Isa(e,Serving) ^ Server(e,x) ^ Served(e,Meat) –VP semantics must tell us Which vars to be replaced by which args? How this replacement is done?

9 Lambda Notation Extension to FOPC x P(x) + variable(s) + FOPC expression in those variables Lambda binding Apply lambda-expression to logical terms to bind lambda-expression’s parameters to terms (lambda reduction) Simple process: substitute terms for variables in lambda expression xP(x)(car) P(car)

10 Lambda notation provides requisite verb semantics –Formal parameter list makes variables within the body of the logical expression available for binding to external arguments provided by e.g. NPs –Lambda reduction implements the replacement Semantic attachment for –V  serves {V.sem(NP.sem)} {E(e,x,y) Isa(e,Serving) ^ Server(e,y) ^ Served(e,x)} becomes { x E(e,y) Isa(e,Serving) ^ Server(e,y) ^ Served(e,x)} –Now ‘x’ is available to be bound when V.sem is applied to NP.sem

11 – -application binds x to value of NP.sem (Meat) – -reduction replaces x within -expression to Meat –Value of VP.sem becomes: {E(e,y) Isa(e,Serving) ^ Server(e,y) ^ Served(e,Meat)} Similarly, we need a semantic attachment for S  NP VP {VP.sem(NP.sem)} to add the subject NP to our semantic representation of AyCaramba serves meat –We need another -expression in the value of VP.sem –But currently V.sem doesn’t give us one –So, we change V.sem to include another -expression –V  serves { x y E(e) Isa(e,Serving) ^ Server(e,y) ^ Served(e,x)}

12 VP semantics (V.sem(NP.sem) binds the outer - expression to the object NP (Meat) but leaves the inner -expression for subsequent binding to the subject NP when the semantics of S is determined {E(e) Isa(e,Serving) ^ Server(e,AyCaramba) ^ Served(e,Meat)}

13 Some Additional Problems to Solve Complex terms A restaurant serves meat. –‘a restaurant’: E x Isa(x,Restaurant) –E e Isa(e,Serving) ^ Server(e, ) ^ Served(e,Meat) –Allows quantified expressions to appear where terms can by providing rules to turn them into well-formed FOPC expressions Quantifier scope Every restaurant serves meat. Every restaurant serves every meat.

14 Appropriate representations for other constituents? –Adjective phrases: intersective semantics Nom  Adj Nom { x Nom.sem(x) ^ Isa(x,Adj.sem)} Adj  tiny x Isa(x, Restaurant) ^ Isa(x,Cheap) But….fake gun? Ex Isa(x, Gun) ^ AM(x,Fake)

15 Doing Compositional Semantics To incorporate semantics into grammar we must –Figure out right representation for a single constituent based on the parts of that constituent (e.g. Adj) –Figuring out the right representation for a category of constituents based on other grammar rules making use of that constituent (e.g Nom  Adj Nom) This gives us a set of function-like semantic attachments incorporated into our CFG –E.g. Nom  Adj Nom { x Nom.sem(x) ^ Isa(x,Adj.sem)}

16 What do we do with them? As we did with feature structures: –Alter an Early-style parser so when constituents (dot at the end of the rule) are completed, the attached semantic function applied and meaning representation created and stored with state Or, let parser run to completion and then walk through resulting tree running semantic attachments from bottom-up

17 Option 1 (Integrated Semantic Analysis) S  NP VP {VP.sem(NP.sem)} –VP.sem has been stored in state representing VP –NP.sem stored with the state for NP –When rule completed, go get value of VP.sem, go get NP.sem, and apply VP.sem to NP.sem –Store result in S.sem. As fragments of input parsed, semantic fragments created Can be used to block ambiguous representations

18 Drawback You also perform semantic analysis on orphaned constituents that play no role in final parse Hence, case for pipelined approach: Do semantics after syntactic parse

19 Non-Compositional Language What do we do with language whose meaning isn’t derived from the meanings of its parts –Metaphor: You’re the cream in my coffee. –She’s the cream in George’s coffee. –The break-in was just the tip of the iceberg. –This was only the tip of Shirley’s iceberg. –Idioms: The old man finally kicked the bucket. –The old man finally kicked the proverbial bucket. Solutions? –Mix lexical items with special grammar rules?

20 Summing Up Hypothesis: Principle of Compositionality –Semantics of NL sentences and phrases can be composed from the semantics of their subparts Rules can be derived which map syntactic analysis to semantic representation (Rule-to-Rule Hypothesis) –Lambda notation provides a way to extend FOPC to this end –But coming up with rule2rule mappings is hard Idioms, metaphors perplex the process

Download ppt "CS 4705 Lecture 17 Semantic Analysis: Syntax-Driven Semantics."

Similar presentations

Ads by Google