1. The African Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (Treaty of Pelindaba)

2. 'Our scientific power has outrun our spiritual power. We have guided missiles and misguided men' Martin Luther King, 1963 'The world stands at the brink of a second nuclear age. The United States and Russia remain ready to stage a nuclear attack within minutes, North Korea conducts a nuclear test, and many in the international community worry that Iran plans to acquire the Bomb.' Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January 17, 2007

3. What's in a name? Pelindaba- South Africa town, approximately 33km west of Pretoria. Site for SA nuclear weapons installation The word from; Pelile = finished Indaba = discussion

4. African NWFZ- Overview The process of establishing the African NWFZ began in 1964 with the Organization of African Unity's (OAU) Cairo Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa Article VII of NPT (1968) encourages creation of NWFZ Following the end of the Cold War, in 1991 experts from the OAU and United Nations met to prepare negotiations on a treaty for the denuclearization of Africa These negotiations began in 1993. After a series of meetings and drafts, the Pelindaba Treaty opened for signing in April 1996 in Cairo The Pelindaba Treaty entered into force with the 28th ratification by Burundi in July 2009

5. African NWFZ- Overview The Pelindaba Treaty covers the whole African continent, including the surrounding islands, and establishes legally binding obligations prohibiting the development, production or acquisition of nuclear weapons. The treaty also prohibits nuclear testing, the dumping of radioactive waste and the stationing of nuclear weapons on the territory of any of the treaty's member states. The treaty commits its parties to employ the highest standard of security and physical protection of nuclear material, facilities, and equipment and prohibits armed attacks against nuclear installations within the zone. Protocols I. Not to use or threaten to use nuclear explosive device against treaty parties. II. Not to test or assist or encourage the testing of nuclear explosive device in African zone. III: treaties in respect of dependent territories.

6. Challenges in establishing the Pelindaba Treaty 1945-1964: Key question: What drove OAU states to make the 1964 Cairo Declaration? ● In 1945 the US used nuclear weapons on two Japanese cities. By 1964 the USSR, UK, France and China had nuclear weapons. As nuclear weapons proliferated and the Cold War set in, the UN promise of collective security and 'general and complete disarmament' became increasingly distant. ● In 1960 France chose Algeria as its nuclear-testing ground. As well as the resulting danger to life, this was seen as an affront to African state's newly acquired sovereignty and territorial integrity. ● In response to the use and proliferation of nuclear weapons, international efforts were made to prevent their further testing and spread. This included African initiatives at the UN, and through the OAU, culminating in the Cairo Declaration.

7. Challenges in establishing the Pelindaba Treaty 1964-1991: Key question: Why did it take over three decades for the Cairo Declaration to be implemented? ● France stopped nuclear testing in Africa in 1966, removing a key security threat. African states also poured their energy into the emerging international non-proliferation and disarmament regime e.g. NPT. ● Cold War geopolitics and nuclear postures ran against such disarmament initiatives e.g. to establish regional nuclear free zones, with the nuclear powers embarking upon an escalating arms race. ● Key North African/Arab states, Egypt and Libya, began nuclear programmes, concerned about regional security and Middle East tensions- including Israel's suspected nuclear programme. ● The West gave strong support to apartheid South Africa, which was suspected of having a nuclear weapons programme. The threat of South Africa's nuclear programme, from the 1970s on, was decisive to the delay in implementing the Cairo Declaration. ● The more militarist African leaders responded to the South African threat by proposing the development of a 'Black Bomb'.

8. Challenges in establishing the Pelindaba Treaty 1991-2009: Key questions: What were the difficulties in the negotiating and drafting phase of the treaty? Why did it then take over a decade for the ToP to enter into force? Preparations, negotiations and drafting for the treaty involved the participation of a wide range of actors, with varying outlooks and interests, including experts and representatives from the OAU, UN and IAEA; existing NWFZs; African states; nuclear weapon states and states with territory in the treaty zone. The treart addressed the unique African predicament, and thus several complex issues (some for the first time in a treaty of this kind) including: ensuring South African's nuclear weapons had been dismantled; the development of nuclear energy; agreeing the geography of the zone (especially re. Diego Garcia); ensuring nuclear weapon states support e.g. by them signing protocols; outlawing all nuclear explosions; establishing an executive body; nuclear safeguards. Reasons for the delay in the treaty's ratification: African states general reluctance to join regional multilateral mechanisms; continuing Afro-Arab concerns at the lack of a Middle East WMD-free zone; other priorities e.g. poverty, development, small arms; relative lack of civil society/public participation.

9. Question...who said: “The Pelindaba Treaty goes further than the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty” and said... “It is also the fruit of a fundamental change in the international political environment - the movement towards detente”. ?

10. Former Director General of the IAEA, Hans Blix

11. Challenges facing the African NWFZ National and Regional concerns The ToP needs to be ratified by all OAU states to ensure universality, developing regional norms and building co-operation. AFCONE needs sufficient resources and funding plus expertise (e.g. with IAEA safeguards) to ensure that nuclear materials and enrichment and reprocessing equipment are not diverted for military ends. This includes the uranium produced and exported by several OAU states. Critics argue that by promoting nuclear energy (and without multilateralising the fuel cycle) the treaty is opening the door to African states becoming virtual nuclear weapons powers, irrespective of safeguards, and providing targets for terrorists. Opponents of nuclear power also argue that renewable energy is a much cleaner and more efficient solution to climate change and social, economic and development needs. The Pelindaba Treaty was largely negotiated by national and international groups of experts. Future participation from African civil society and the public is important to ensure that the treaty is implemented in an transparent, accountable and democratic way.

12. Challenges facing the African NWFZ ● International concerns The treaty is part of the international non-proliferation and disarmament regime. Just as it will therefore benefit from international moves towards a world free of nuclear weapons and enhanced peace and security, so it will suffer from the failure of the nuclear weapon states to disarm, increased nuclear proliferation, international tensions and conflict. African states must therefore develop their knowledge of the international nuclear regime and participation in it e.g. NPT meetings to raise overall African consciousness of nuclear matters. The drafters of the treaty see it as building upon and complimenting existing nuclear weapon free zones and paving the way for the establishment of future zones, especially the proposed WMD-free zone in the Middle East. The treaty will thus benefit from increased international co-operation and knowledge-sharing between it and existing zones and the formation of new zones free of nuclear weapons. If the treaty is to operate successfully, nuclear weapon states- principally the US, UK and Russia- must respect the sovereignty of African states and the OAU charter by signing the relevant protocols to the treaty and facilitating its successful operation in all its aspects e.g. through unconditional negative security assurances.