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The Role of Competition in Bureaucracy Benito ARRUÑADA http://www.econ.upf.es/~arrunada http://www.econ.upf.es/~arrunada Pompeu Fabra University
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Introduction: Organizational divisionalization
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Possibilities and problems ▪ Divisions without objective evaluation ♦Expense center—budgets (bureaucracy) ▪ Divisions with objective evaluation ♦Cost center Quality suffers Too little/much quantity, with increasing / decreasing costs ♦Revenue center: excessive quantity ♦Profit center Transfer pricing: congruency versus motivation ♦Investment center: Be careful with ROI Use residual profits
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Key issue Moving away from bureaucracy (expense centers) to “internal markets” or, at least, introducing market incentives in bureaucracies
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Family doctors are being asked to get a grip on hospital spending. It is a tough battle “The National Health Service: The power game”, The Economist, March 3, 2007, pp. 33-34.
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Three Parts ▪ I. The economics of bureaucracyThe economics of bureaucracy ▪ II. Learning from old servicesLearning from old services ▪ III. Taking stockTaking stock
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Part I The economics of bureaucracy
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Expense centers ▪ Given a budget, provide vague set of services ♦In firms: accounting, personnel, planning departments ♦Ministries, universities, Government, NHS, etc. ▪ Problems: grow to large & inefficient b/c: ♦Users not pay demand until U’ = 0 ♦Providers “build empires” to consume, career, prestige, hire friends, etc. ♦Budget office badly informed on users’ value and providers’ costs: E.g., spend annual budget fully to avoid hinting of slack
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Discretionary expense center with increasing cost function
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The equilibria of a bureaucracy: Niskanen’s model ▪ Maximize budget for two demand functions, D1(Q) and D2(Q) subject to total utility >= budget
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Production under competition, monopoly and bureaucracy
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Budget battles, cuts, freezes ▪ Budget office does not know where to cut ▪ Gaming with budget office: e.g., closing service to crucial, sensitive clients ▪ Root causes subsist recidivism ▪ Even “zero-base” budgeting not much better than usual “incremental” budgeting
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Does cost allocation have any effect? ▪ Joint costs imputed according to cost “drivers” ♦E.g., heating costs allocated proportionally to surface ▪ Usually not seen as “prices” but trigger similar incentives: ♦Possible cost consciousness (Zimmerman) ♦Distortions: e.g., surface excessive height; direct labor excessive capital intensity; similar to taxing windows, narrow dark houses… ▪ “Activity Based Costing” (ABC) = chose the right drivers (easy to say!) and minimize product variety
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Radical solution: incentives, even aiming for an “internal market” ▪ Users: prices (partial, total) and/or opportunity cost through freedom of choice (among expenses, internal providers, external providers) ▪ Providers: pay for performance, even profit sharing; and freedom to organize provision ▪ Budget office: upgraded to market designer and manager, big expense center itself ▪ Hope-for effects ♦Users reveal information better control of budget ♦Providers organize efficiently ♦Users guide resource allocation, closures efficiency
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How markets work ▪ Real markets rely on property rights, which automatically ♦Evaluate performance ♦Reward owners ♦Reallocate resources ▪ Artificial markets need a planner to ♦Allocate decision rights ♦Design and implement evaluation systems ♦Reward decision makers who are not owners (agency)
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The market planner’s tasks ▪ Designing the market ♦Allocate decision rights ♦Design and implement evaluation systems ♦Reward decision makers who are not owners (agency) ▪ Avoiding market failure ♦Externalities: More than in real markets? ♦Locus of uncertainty ▪ Tolerating market decisions ♦If we are reluctant to close private firms, are we willing to accept the market’s verdict on public services?
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Jensen’s “locus of uncertainty” problem ▪ Matching supply and demand to avoid parties’ freedom causing surplus capacity ▪ Factors: ♦Expense composition affects consumption predictability ♦Computers help real time budgeting ♦Capacity to speedy re-contracting of recourses ♦Flexibility for internal reallocation of recourses
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Discussion ▪ The Lenin-Lange paradox ♦Does it make sense to nationalize an industry (e.g. healthcare) to later create an internal market? Only as a stepping stone for privatization? ▪ If the internal market is a planner’s fantasy, what should be done with public services?
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Part II Learning from old services Judiciary Registers Schools
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Judiciary ▪ Users pay fee for service ▪ Judges paid fixed salary quality ▪ Judicial clerks paid salary plus share of fees speed, quantity ▪ Mutual control of judges & clerks ▪ Planners: ♦Suppressed variable compensation of clerks in the 1950s ♦Suppressed fees in 1986 ▪ Increasing judicial congestion productivity bonus for judges quality disregarded, mostly ineffective
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Registries ▪ Users free to choose notaries, pay fees ▪ Mutual control ♦Notaries with closed number, franchisees, local competition ♦Registrars with closed number, franchisees, territorial monopoly ▪ Vertical control ♦Counsels (Letrados) with inspection & appeal functions, paid fixed salary + substantial deferred compensation ▪ Planners ♦Suppressed counsels ♦Wanted to introduce free choice of registrars ♦Ended up mandating maximum delays
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Schools ▪ Basis for internal market in place: private and public schools, money following users ▪ When demography down, demand switched towards private schools ▪ 17 Planners decided against the market: ♦Constraints on users’ choice ♦Constraints on private schools growth ▪ Private schools’ dropping to public standards
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Part III Taking stock
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Salient features of old services ▪ Automatic management: ♦Opposing incentives: fixed vs variable for controller / controlled ▪ Partial but strong incentives ♦Judges & Letrados: quality important long term careers, deferred compensation ♦Secretaries: pushing papers, variable compensation ♦Notaries: Franchises cost containment ♦Registrars: intermediate: quality & externalities important monopoly Franchises cost containment ♦Notaries & Registrars: property rights: e.g., employers
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Contrast with internal markets ▪ Plenty of management in designing & running the system ▪ Comprehensive incentive system, trying to cover many dimensions of performance, ideally measured with profit or even ROI proxies ▪ Weak incentives ♦Incomplete decision rights ♦Small variable compensation as % of total ♦Profits or savings not individually appropriated but invested in unit
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Tentative conclusions ▪ Internal markets ♦Costly to implement ♦Produce little value: Weak incentives market decisions are rejected ▪ Options for public services ♦Real markets, perhaps with public financing ♦Bureaucracy With automatic management elements: e.g., public hospitals run by fixed salary, deferred compensation managers and pay for performance doctors With minimalist planning units
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