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Optimality Theory Abdullah Khalid Bosaad 刘畅 Liú Chàng.

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Presentation on theme: "Optimality Theory Abdullah Khalid Bosaad 刘畅 Liú Chàng."— Presentation transcript:

1 Optimality Theory Abdullah Khalid Bosaad 刘畅 Liú Chàng

2 Optimality Theory OT in real life; OT in Yawelmani; The strength of OT.

3 Optimality Theory in real life How do I group these people? Sally *Ken and Sam Bob Georgia * Sally and Georgia Frank Sam * Uneven Groups Ken

4 Optimality Theory in real life? *Ken-Sam*Sally- Georgia Sally Bob Frank Georgia Sam Ken *! Sally Georgia Frank Ken Sam Bob * Sally Ken Frank Georgia Sam Bob

5 What is OT ? an approach in phonological description pioneered by Alan Prince and Paul Smolensky (1993).

6 The Fundamentals of OT The structure: CON (Constraint component) GEN (Generator component) EVAL(Evaluator component) CON : a universal set of constraints. ◦ Faithfulness constraints—prohibits difference between input and output. ◦ Dep constraint: output depends on input  /input/  …  {cand 1, cand 2,…} /buk-z/  {[buks, bugz, bukz… ]}

7 The Fundamentals of OT GEN : a mapping of inputs to every possible output, producing candidates ◦ /input/  GEN  {cand 1, cand 2,…} /buk-z/  {[buks, bugz, bukz… ]} EVAL : a method for choosing the best candidate. ◦ /input/  GEN  {cand 1, cand 2,…}  Eval  [output]

8 OT in Yawelmani: Spoken in California Syllables cannot be bigger than CVC pattern. EX: Input / ʔ ilk-hin/  output=[ ? ] 1. ʔ il.k.hin 2. ʔ i.lik.hin 3. ʔ i.li.ki.hin 4. ʔ i.li.ki.hi.ni

9 OT in Yawelmani: Input / ʔ ilk-hin/  GEN  {[ cand 1,… cand 4,… ]}  EVAL  output=[ ] Candidate set: Can1= ʔ il.k.hin Can2= ʔ i.lik.hin Can3= ʔ i.li.ki.hin Can4= ʔ i.li.ki.hi.ni

10 OT in Yawelmani: Apply * C unsyll (unsyllabified consonant is ungrammatical) Apply Dep Input / ʔ ilk-hin/ Can1= ʔ il.k.hin Can2= ʔ i.lik.hin Can3= ʔ i.li.ki.hin Can4= ʔ i.li.ki.hi.ni Favors 2,3,4 over 1 (because [k] is unsyllabified) Favors 1, over 2 over 3 over 4 CandidatesDep ʔ il.k.hin ʔ i.lik.hin * ʔ i.li.ki.hin ** ʔ i.li.ki.hi.ni***

11 OT in Yawelmani: CandidatesC unsyll Dep ʔ il.k.hin * ʔ i.lik.hin * ʔ i.li.ki.hin ** ʔ i.li.ki.hi.ni*** Constraint Hierarchy: C unsyll >> Dep Output= Cand2 [ ʔ i.lik.hin]

12 The strength of OT Yawelmani: Delete a vowel at the end of a word. ◦ /taxa-ka/  /ta.xak/, /taxa-mi/  /ta.xam/ ◦ V deletion: V  ø / VC____#

13 The strength of OT / xat.ka/  ? ◦ /xat.ka/? VS /xat.k/? ◦ / xat.ka / exists. ◦ *C unsyll —prohibits unsyllabified consonants. /xat.k/ is ungrammatical. ◦ *V#--end vowel deletion.

14 The strength of OT *C unsyll *V# / xat.ka/obeyedviolated / xat.k/violatedobeyed C unsyll >> V# : C unsyll has a higher priority than V# (C unsyll dominates V#), so / xat.ka/ exist and */ xat.k/ does not.

15 The strength of OT models grammars as systems that provide mappings from inputs to outputs; typically, the inputs are conceived of as underlying representations, and the outputs as their surface realizations. proposes that the observed forms of language arise from the interaction between conflicting constraints. Constraint prioritization ranking is fundamental to OT


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