1. First-Order Logic (and beyond)
Johan Bos

2. Overview of this lecture
Introduction to first-order logic
Discourse Representation Theory
Using the Lambda-Calculus

3. Logical languages propositional logic modal logic description logic
first-order logic (predicate logic)
second-order logic
higher-order logic
expressive power

4. This lecture
In this lecture we will try to map English to First-Order Logic
First-order logic extends propositional logic with variables and quantifiers
As we will see it is capable for modelling sub-sentential semantics

5. First-order logic First-order logic is a language
So we will look at its ingredients
We will define the syntax, or in other words, the “grammar”
We will look at the semantics only from an informal point of view

6. Ingredients of first-order logic
Terms (variables or contants)
Variables: x, y, z, …
Constants: m’, j’, …
Predicate Symbols
One-place predicate symbols: walk, smoke, …
Two-place predicate symbols: see, love, …
Connectives: , ,, , 
Punctuation: brackets ( ) and the comma ,
The quantifiers
Universal quantifier: 
Existential quantifier: 

7. Syntax of first-order logic
If P is a one-place relation symbol, and t a term, then P(t) is a first-order formula
If R is a two-place relation symbol, and t1 and t2 are terms, then R(t1,t2) is a first-order formula
If  is a first-order formula, then so is 
If  and  are first-order formulas, then so are (), (), () and ()
If  is a first-order formula, and x a variable, then x and x are first-order formulas
Nothing else is a first-order formula

8. Examples of first-order formulas
Mia walks. walk(mia’)
A dog barks. x(dog(x)  bark(x))
Vincent likes every dog. x(dog(x)  like(vincent’,x))

9. Semantics of the quantifiers
x  true if and only if there is an x such that  is true
x  true if and only if for all x it is the case that  is true

10. Truth and Models
Truth in first-order logic is often defined with the help of models
A model M is usually taken to consist of two parts (M = <D,F>): (1) a domain of entities (D) (2) an interpretation function (F) for all non-logical symbols
The truth-definition with models was introduced by the famous logician Alfred Tarski

11. Example model M = <D,F> D = {d1,d2,d3}
F(mia’) = d1 F(vincent’) = d2 F(person) = {d1,d2} F(dog) = {d3} F(love) = {(d1,d2),(d2,d2),(d2,d1),(d2,d3)} F(hate) = {(d1,d3)}

12. Semantics of the quantifiers
x  true in M if and only if we can map x to at least one member of D such that  is true in M
x  true if and only if for all members of D, if we map x it, it is the case that  is true in M

13. Free variables The quantifiers bind variables
For instance, x  binds all occurrences of x in the formula 
Variables that are not bound are called free
For instance, the following two formulas contain free variables:
walk(x)
smoke(y)  y person(y)

14. Closed formulas Formulas that have no free variables are called closed
Usually we’re only interested in closed formulas --- translating a natural language sentence to first-order logic should produce a closed formula
Free variables can be thought of as “pronouns”.

15. What’s wrong with these translations?
A dog barks. (x dog(x)  bark(x))
A dog barks. x(dog(x)  bark(x))
Every dog barks. x(dog(x)  bark(x))

16. Lambdas and Higher-order Logic
Fine, we have seen how we can represent English (or Italian) sentences into logic, but what about
noun phrases,
verb phrases,
nouns,
determiners,
adjectives,
prepositions, and so on?

17. Montague Grammar
Richard Montague used higher order logic to translate sub-sentence fragments into logic
Basically we add to two new constructs to first-order logic:
the lambda operator λ
function application ()

18. Examples with lambdas
The lambda binds variables and can be seen as a “place-holder” for missing information
Examples: Mia  mia’ man  λz.man(z) love  λx. λy. love(y,x) every  λp. λq. x(p(x)  q(x))

19. Example derivation
loves Mia  λx. λy. love(y,x) (mia’) = λy. love(y,mia’)
Every man  λp. λq. x(p(x)  q(x))(λz.man(z)) = λq. x(λz.man(z)(x)  q(x)) = λq. x(man(x)  q(x))
Every man loves Mia  λq. x(man(x)  q(x)) (λy. love(y,mia’)) = x(man(x)  λy. love(y,mia’)(x)) = x(man(x)  love(x,mia’))

20. Discourse Representation Theory
Nice so far, but what about translating pronouns that have antecedents across sentences?
Mia dances. She is happy.
A man smokes. He likes Mia.
Hans Kamp introduced DRT (Discourse Representation Theory) to deal with a lot of anaphoric phenomena.

21. Problematic cases for FOL
A woman dances. She is happy. x(woman(x)  dance(x))  happy(x)
Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it. x((farmer(x)  y(donkey(y)  own(x,y)))  beat(x,y))

22. Problematic cases for FOL
A woman dances. She is happy. x(woman(x)  dance(x))  happy(x) x(woman(x)  dance(x)  happy(x))
Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it. x((farmer(x)  y(donkey(y)  own(x,y)))  beat(x,y)) xy((farmer(x)  donkey(y)  own(x,y))  beat(x,y))

23. Discourse Representation Theory
DRT is a theory of natural language semantics using DRSs to represent texts (discourse)
A DRS encapsulates both content and context
Content: the meaning of the text so far
Context: information to interpret anaphoric expressions in subsequent sentences

24. DRT examples Discourse Representation Structures (DRS)
Discourse referents (first-order variables)
Structure plays role in pronoun resolution
A dog barked. x
dog(x)
bark(x)

25. DRT examples Discourse Representation Structures (DRS)
Discourse referents (first-order variables)
Structure plays role in pronoun resolution
A dog barked.
Every dog barked. x
dog(x)
bark(x) 
bark(x) x
dog(x)

26. Accessibility (1)
Discourse referents are accessible if they are in the same DRS
A dog barked. It was happy.
x y
dog(x)
bark(x)
happy(y) y = ???

27. Discourse referent x is accessible
Accessibility (1)
Discourse referents are accessible if they are in the same DRS
A dog barked. It was happy.
x y
dog(x)
bark(x)
happy(y) y = x
Discourse referent x is accessible

28. Discourse referent x is not accessible
Accessibility (2)
Discourse referents are not accessible if they are part of a nested DRS
Every dog barked. ?It was happy. y 
happy(y)
y = ?? x
dog(x)
bark(x)
Discourse referent x is not accessible

29. Donkey Sentences DRT solves the donkey sentence problem x y 
Every farmer that owns a donkey beats it. 
x y
farmer(x)
donkey(y)
own(x,y)
beat(x,y)

30. Further Reading Gamut, Volume 2 (Montague Grammar)
Kamp & Reyle (Discourse Representation Theory)