1. NATIONAL-DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION (NDR) DEMOCRACY and COMMUNICATION (CM515)

2. What is NDR? A geo-political mode of interpretation and a theory of democratic advancement and socio-political transformation. Objectives of the NDR? A furtherance of democracy within existing and post-capitalist socio-economic structures. But mostly limited to phase one. Theory of NDR? A national-democratic analysis focusing on the history and society of nation-states that have (or have had) a subject relationship to (neo)colonialism/ (new) imperialism. That nation-states can play a progressive role in combating what David Harvey(2003) describes as the ‘new imperialism’ and be a site for the furtherance of citizenship & democracy.

3. Raymond Williams and the ‘long revolution’ Williams wrote The Long Revolution (1960/1980) on the process of democratic, industrial and cultural transformations in British society. A continuation of Culture and Society, 1780-1950. Attempted to “grasp the process as a whole, to see it in new ways as a long revolution” (p.13). Believed that “people should govern themselves, make their own decisions, without concession of this right to any particular group, nationality or class”. A recognition of gender came later.

4. A Grammer Lesson The terms ‘national’ ‘democratic’, and ‘revolution’ must first be understand in their singular specificity and then in their combined meanings to understand the concept of NDR. The word ‘national’ can be both an adjective and a noun. E.g. in ‘national interest’ it is an adjective. In the question ‘What is the significance of the national today?’ ‘national’ is a noun. At its most simple ‘national’ means that which belongs to, is common to, of, or related to a nation or the nation. Objective here: to de-couple ‘national’ from ‘nationalism’

5. Similar Words to ‘National’ co-national, non-national, nation, nationhood, nation-state, nationalise, nationalisation, nationalism, nationalistic, nationality, dual-nationality, inter-national, multi-national, neo- nationalism, pan-nationalism, post-national and trans-national. Nationalism as: anachronistic, anti-colonial, anti-imperialist, banal, bourgeois, chauvinist, constitutional, dirty (Paul Shepheard), divisive, elitist, extreme, exclusive, fascist, irrational, inclusive, jingoistic, narrow, nativist, not essential to the nation, progressive, reactionary, revolutionary and unifying. Theorised as pre-modern (ethnic), a product of modernity (18 th century) and as a phenomenon that will (Ernest Gellner) or will not pass out of existence (Anthony Smith).

6. So what is the ‘National’? The national is a contra, intra (largely internal) and inter (largely external) political phenomena with cultural, dialectical, historical and spatial dimensions. It is to paraphrase Anthony Wilden’s (1984) terminology an ‘open system’ shaped by its relationship with other nationals, indeed the concept of the national is incompatible without an external dialectic. Part of complex power play e.g. the ‘national interest’ is invariably plural and contested. About a sense of belonging, difference, identity, mutual respect, positioning in the wider world, security, solidarity with others etc. Can be abused, advance or conceal dominant class interests.

7. The ‘national’ has its own grammar, discourse and ideological construction rooted in time and space, directly related to issues of class, gender, ethnicity and sexuality. It is a term to denote a category, framework, space or place in which the following ‘national’ activities occur: production, consumption, governance etc. It is an abstract term used to distinguish it from other stand alone terms such as ‘local’ and ‘global’ geo-political classifications. Along side class, gender, sexuality ethnicity etc., the ‘national’ is a socio-cultural variable in cultural, communication and social studies. Central to debates on ‘national’ economies, cinema, communication and cultural policies. Is it always in a time- space flux, open to other ‘national’ entities and thus a hybrid not an essence e.g. ‘national’ capital, culture, markets, labour forces etc.

8. Arnaud & Dofny (1977:10) refers to the ‘national’ in terms of ‘entities’, for Frederic Jameson (1981:298) it is a ‘phenomenon’, for James M.Blaut (1987) it is the ‘national’ question’, for Sylvia Walby(1999: 245) it is a project- a ‘national project’ whereby gender relations are constituted and when it “includes women’s interests, then women are more likely to support it”. The national is an identity which is lightly worn once possessed, but for many passionately striven for when not. ‘The difficulty is that Ireland is not a nation’ Lloyd George (1863 – 1945) "There was no such thing as Palestinians” Golda Meir (1969-74) For others it is ‘banal’ (Michael Billig,1995) and so doesn’t fit easily into simple binary oppositions or either/ors.

9. What is Nationalism ? In broad terms European nationalism can be traced to the emergence of capitalism and the struggle the emerging bourgeoisie to establish separate nation/states. Defined territorial units relatively free from internal conflict and the tendency of feudalism towards regionalism coincided with the needs of emerging capitalism. The outcome of the English Revolution (1640) saw the bourgeoisie gain hegemony over the forces of feudalism, a development which also took place on the European continent with the emergence of the nation/states of Holland, France, Spain and Portugal during the period 1798-1874.

10. Nationalism and Democracy According to Anthony Smith from its origins nationalism was an “inclusive and liberating force” and for a time during the “19th and 20th centuries nationalism seemed “indistinguishable from popular democracy” (Smith, 2001:1). And Brendan O’Leary states that “Nationalism is the major form in which democratic consciousness expresses itself in the modern world” (cited in Hall:79).

11. Marxism and Nationalism As part of a Marxist discourse known as the ‘national question’ Vladimir Lenin distinguished between the nationalism of the oppressor and oppressed nations, its relationship to imperialism and whether or not communists should support bourgeois-democratic movements in oppressed nations. Yes, if and when they were revolutionary. For Ronnie Munck(1986) the Marxist judgement on nationalism comes down to two questions: Does it favour democracy or not? Does nationalism oppose imperialism ‘unequivocally’ or not?

12. Nationalism and Globalisation Nationalism is today frequently counterpoised to globalisation and according to Delanty and O’Mahony (2002) it has given ‘nationalism a “new lease of life”, it is part of the “global world” and “ways of living with it will have to be found as there are no signs of it, or the states to which it has being so closely linked, withering away”. And Frederic Jameson (1981:298) made a similar point in the 1980s when he claimed that for the ‘left’ to ignore nationalism’s ‘collective energies “is to ‘doom itself to political impotence”. The essence of Jameson’s argument was supported by Regis Debray who in the words of Gopal Balakrishnan (1999:199), claims that the Left’s future depends on its “ability to reinvent a national politics for the 21st century”.

13. Ireland and the ‘National Interest’ Prior to the first Lisbon Treaty Referendum (12 June 2008) the Irish Taoiseach ( Prime Minister) Brian Cowen stated that in “the midst of different views and opinions there are issues where we stand together in the overall national interest and beyond partisan party politics“ (Irish Times 10/6/08). On January 2009, former Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Garret Fitzgerald presented reasons why in the “national interest there is a powerful case in favour of Aer Lingus being retained as a national airline, rather than being merged with any larger foreign air company” (Irish Times 24/01/09)

14. What was/is Revolution? Revolution: an event/moment in a process of radical transformation from one type of society to another. Not rebellion or revolt- fundamental change. Revolutions involve the seizure of state power by: The bourgeoisie and its allies or Bourgeois revolutions which herald/progress the development of capitalism – the English Revolution (1688-89), the French Revolution (1789), the American Revolution (1775-83), the Kerensky revolution in Russia February (1917), the Mustafa Kemal Ataturk led revolution in Turkey etc. The working class and its allies. The Russian Revolution (October 1917), the Chinese Revolution(1949), the Cuban Revolution (1959).

15. Anthony Giddens’s three characteristics of a revolution: 1. ‘a mass social movement…seize[s] power’. 2. ‘A revolution leads to major processes of reform or change’. 3. Revolution involves the threat or use of violence’ Not a coup d’etat… Russian Revolution 1905

16. Iranian/Islamic Revolution 1979: Palhlavi monarchy overthrown, impetus from democratic movement/left wing revolutionaries. Gradually ‘Islamised’ under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini (1902-1989) et al who created the Islamic Revolution- widespread influence. A diverse oppositional alliance overcome by events: the hostage crisis (1979-1981), fatwa against Salman Rushdie (1989)- the left superseded by Khomeini- or more correctly an alliance of militant fundamentalist and the Islamic Left. Martyrdom and Shia myths valorised. Shia and anti-western with power in Khomeini and a Revolutionary Council’s hands. Iran-Iraq War (1980-88) Hezbollah (Lebanon) and Hamas (Palestine- or Gaza)

17. What does ‘Democratic’ mean? A question that has been debated from the time of the Athenian city-state, since the turn of the 18th century under-written by the constitutional/revolutionary documents of various aspiring and established nation-states, e.g. United States (1776) France ( 1789) & Ireland (1916 Proclamation et al). Is that democratic legacy is compromised by the relentless accumulation of capital and the concentration of corporate and media power on an inter-national scale? For Chantal Mouffe (2000) the key question today is the contradiction been liberty and popular sovereignty Parliamentary plus cultural, economic, local, social etc.

18. What does national-democratic mean? The coupling of the national and the democratic is about laying claim to a particular historico-political legacy in which the national was/is about the extension of democracy and popular mobilisations against colonialism/ imperialism. Singles out the national as an intra and inter site in the struggle for democracy. That the initial vision of the founders of the nation can be re-imagined or re-invented today. The national as constituted as democratic in a written constitution. An understanding of the national in cooperation with other national entities, a peaceful relationship built on mutual exchange and the advancement of common inter/intra national objectives.

19. Coupling the ‘National’ with the ‘Democratic’ Given the multi-faceted sided nature of the national, it is important that it be coupled with the democratic to clearly indicate a distancing from the aspects of ‘negative’ nationalism. A coupling that renounces chauvinist, exclusionary, expansionist, narrow, racist, reactionary, xenophobic etc. articulations and representations of the national. The promotion of a nationalism which celebrates an understanding of the national as open to successive waves of democratic inclusion- class, gender, ethnicity, sexuality etc. Care re slippages between the ‘national’ and ‘nationalism’, when not meant to be.

20. NDR and Communication How can the concept of NDR become a current within communication studies in the 21st century? The nation as both a ‘communicative community’ and ‘cultural- nexus’(Phillip Schlesinger). The nation and print capitalism (Benedict Anderson). The nation and electronic media (Phillip Schlesinger). A national culture as constructed from above (the state) and below (citizens) (Richard Johnson) Communication is essential components of all democratic and revolutionary processes and that is taken as a given in CM515.

21. The NDR: Evolution of a Concept Conceived in “Cominform [USSR] as a socialist strategy for colonial countries”. In 1969 was adopted by the South African Congress (ANC). The concept and contradictions of the ‘long revolution’, NDR and ‘New Democratic Revolution’ have been theorised in the following national formations: Australia (James E.F Hill), Britain (Raymond Williams), Canada (Tony Wilden), China (Mao Zedong), Ireland (James Connolly), Nepal (Puspha Kamal Dahal et al), Philippines (E.San Juan Jr, Jose Marie Sison et al), South Africa (J Cronin, Blade Nzimande, Joe Slovo et al.)

22. NDR is a key strategic concept for the Tripartite Alliance in South Africa: African National Congress (ANC), Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and South African Communist Party (SACP) Problematic now? Is it now a case of NDR versus Social Movements in S.A.? ANC : http://www.anc.org.za/index.phphttp://www.anc.org.za/index.php COSATU : http://www.cosatu.org.za/http://www.cosatu.org.za/ SACP : http://www.sacp.org.za/http://www.sacp.org.za/ Please type in ‘national democratic revolution’ into the search option of all three websites above for relevant contributions on the theme.

23. The Tripartite Alliance, which comprised the African National Congress (ANC), COSATU (South African Trade Union) and the Communist Party of South Africa (SACP) were at the fore in the struggle for a South African NDR. Articles and reports on the advance, obstacles and opposition to the NDR in South Africa can be followed via the ANC, COSATU, SACP websites on the previous page. How the Tripartite Alliance will maintain and advance its strategic unity around the shared objectives of the NDR in the face of neo-liberal capitalism and its current ‘crisis’ will be seen. How will the SACP/COSATU fare in working to extend democracy to the SA working class in this phase of the NDR vis a vis civil society and the ‘development state’?

24. Joe Slovo -South African Communist Party (SACP) argued that in the struggle for socialism the SA working class must first play its part in completing the ‘national democratic’ phase of the NDR. That task is achieved by their participation within a ‘national liberation alliance’ which unites them alongside “most of the other classes within the nationally-dominated majority, including the black petit- bourgeoisie and significant strata of the emergent black bourgeoisie” (Slovo). The working class must avoid playing down its own interests, also rejected a ‘workerist’ position. For Slovo, ‘workerism’ is a political tendency which “insists on a perspective of an immediate struggle for socialism” (Slovo). http://www.sacp.org.za/main.php?include=docs/history/1988/ndr.html Where does the SACP stand on the NDR today?

25. Interviews with David Harvey: http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/people4/Harvey/harvey-con0.html http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/lilley190606.html http://www.logosjournal.com/issue_5.1/harvey.htm David Harvey (The New Imperialism) starts by examining the US relationship to oil and then examines its socio-economic power. Capitalist imperialism as ‘a diffuse political- economic process in space and time in which command over and use of capital takes primacy’. Primitive accumulation (Marx) to ‘accumulation by dispossession’ (Harvey).

26. “the US has a military presence in about 140 countries” (Meiksins Wood ’03)

27. Shannon Watch: http://www.shannonwatch.org/http://www.shannonwatch.org/

28. Corrib Gas Field Development http://www.dcenr.gov.ie/Natural/Petroleum+Affairs+Division/Corrib+Gas+Field+Development/

29. DART (Dublin Area Rapid Transit)

30. Which stop? Fagamid Siud Mar Ata Se

31. The use of the DART map is to plot how democratic progress in a specific spatial-temporal context (e.g. Ireland) might be discussed, envisaged and plotted. How democratic rights such as national independence, land ownership, trade union and women’s rights, citizenship and other social and sexual rights be plotted- whether it’s a three stop journey, less or longer in political space/time? An attempt to plot an Irish ‘long revolution’ and to stock-take the advance or retreat of citizenship and democracy. How valid is to posit’ Fintan O’Toole’s [Edited] Up the Republic or Michael D Higgins’s more recent contribution on the renewal of the republic within a ‘long revolution’ trajectory of Ireland’s ‘long revolution’ or an Irish National Democratic Revolution?

32. The Value of the NDR The value of a N-D analysis is that it links questions of inter/nationality (neutrality) to those of democratic rights such as separation of church and state, individual and group rights. Despite globalisation the ‘national’ remains significant because its at the level of the nation-state that interventions can be made on issues of international capital, international rights and the daily degradation of our eco-system. The current [2011/12] loss of ‘financial sovereignty’. Can the nation- state regulate the workings of capital in the interests of a people that comprise a nation? Can the NDR be completed within the framework of capitalism?

33. A NDR approach addresses the power dynamics of class relationships, civil society and the state which is not restrictive to the socio-economic limitations of contemporary capitalism positing a NDR1 and NDR2 (more anon) as frameworks for advancing participatory citizenship. Neither does it focus exclusively on civil society as the site of citizenship is either curtailed or advanced provides a radical framework to examine mediated communication across all spheres of public and private life.

34. Questions

35. Readings James Connolly’s Labour in Irish History E.F. Hill’s Australia’s Revolution. V.I. Lenin’s National Liberation, Socialism and Imperialism. Mao Zedong’s Selected Writings. Jose Maria Sisson’s Philippine Society and Revolution. Ann Rossiter’s Ireland and the Movement for National Liberation. Desmond Greaves’s Liam Melllows and the Irish Revolution. Raymond Williams’s The Long Revolution. James M.Blaut’s The National Question. Joe Slovo’s The South African Working Class and the National Democratic Revolution. E.San Juan’s Beyond Colonialism. Ellen Meiksins’s Wood’s Empire and Capital. David Harvey’s The New Imperialism. David Harvey’s A Brief History of Neoliberalism Anthony Wilden’s The Imaginary Canadian.

36. Some Incomplete/Tentative Notes Towards a National Democratic Analysis of Irish Society

37. Towards an National Democratic Analysis A national democratic mode of analysis links the issue of national sovereignty (‘national questions’) to democratic concerns such as land ownership, universal suffrage, workers rights, equality under the law etc. Under the Gaelic/Brehon System (predominant from 5 th -8 th centuries ->) land was owned in common by the clans which comprised ‘chiefs, bards, poets, and later administrators, herdsmen, and three divisions of unfreemen’. Brehon Laws in decline by the time of the Anglo-Norman invasion (11th century) and feudal relations of production introduced. Annual tributes -> the Pale. From 12 th -15 th centuries a Tributary system existed as capitalism took hold.

38. Phases of post- Gaelic/Brehon System) conquest Phases:Dates:Characteristic Features 1. ‘Danes’ 795-1014 Plunder, seaport towns, trade. 2. Norman1169-1485Pale, Sts Kilkenny(1367), plantation. 3. Tudor-Stuart 1485-1610Ulster Plantation-> Flight of the Earls. 4. Cromwellian1652-1660Land confiscation, exile (in/external). 5. Williamite1690-92Penal Laws (1695-1705). It is claimed that by 1700 the native Irish retained only 14% of the land. Each phase of conquest a mix of subjugation and ‘improvement’. From 1585 (Tudor period) ‘social property relations’ in Munster transformed and ‘agrarian capitalism introduced’ via landlords and tenants (See Wood, The Origins of Capitalism, p.154).

39. Colonial expropriation validated by Sir John Davis, 1610. (Wood. P.159). 1641 Rebellion & Battle of Kinsale (1607) defeats a major body blow to the Gaelic and Bardic systems. Loss of aristocracy -> Ulster plantation. Siege of London/Derry (1688-9) provided Loyalists/ Unionists with its "most enduring myth…siege, encirclement, loyalty, resistance, and betrayal... a beleaguered garrison loyal to the Crown and Empire, defending an imperial interest in a hostile and rebellious land" (Des Bell. Crane Bag. Final Issue) As invariably with national/agrarian oppression resistance followed- constitutional and/or revolutionary.

40. Leadership:Dates:Influences: 1. H.Grattan & the Volunteers 1778-82 American Revolution, 1776. 2. UI: W.Tone et al.1791-98 French Revolution, 1789. Loosely formed agrarian peasant groups: Titles:Locations: Dates: Events: Whiteboys Limerick-> Munster 1761-1779Limerick Enclosures OakboysMonaghan-> 1762->Labour on Roads SteelboysAntrim and Down1764->Fines, Rents,Tithes United Irishmen and their allies in the Defenders suppressed following the defeated rebellion of 1798 -> Act of Union,1801. Orange Order(1795), rallies peasantry and later the Protestant working class to the Union. Democratic advance crushed and St Patrick College, Maynooth founded (1795) with royal approval to counter Jabobite ideas in Ireland.

41. Further stages in the process of re-conquest: Leadership: Dates:Focus:Media: Robert Emmet 1803 Attempted coup.Word of mouth Dan O’Connell1829Catholic Emancipation, 40/=.Monster Meetings National IndependenceThe Nation The Great Hunger or Famine (1841-1851) Fenians1858->National IndependenceThe Irish People J. S. Parnell1870sHome Rule/BoycottParliament Michael Davitt1879->The Land LeagueAgitation The Great Hunger, resulted in a 2¼ m. decline in population, with some comparison to the English enclosure system, except many of those fleeing the countryside were forced to emigrate, as few urban industrial centres. Prompted a significant change in the rural class structure (See Joe Lee’s Modernisation of Irish Society: 1848-1918).

42. ‘Our History is no Mystery’ The Impact of the Famine on Farm Holdings- 1841-1851 Holding:1841Per Cent1851Per Cent 1-5 Acres310,436 44.9 %88,08315.5 % 5-15 Acres252,79936.6 %191,85433.6 % 15-30 Acres79,34211.5 %141,31124.8 % 30 Acres`plus48,6257.0 %149,09026.1 % Source: Ireland before the Famine: 1798-1848 by Gearoid O’Tuathaigh, p.206. Women’s loss of economic autonomy with shift from tillage to pasture (Joe Lee).

43. Communications Coastal waterways a key mode of transport up to the expansion of the road system (coaches) in the late 1700s. Grand and Royal canals built during 1750-1800 (approximately). Cross channel steamships introduced in 1824. Westland Row to Kingstown railway line opened in 1834. By 1912 3,403 miles of rail track laid. Telegraph communications introduced in the 1850s.

44. Press - > Wireless Each wave of Irish cultural/political nationalism articulated through pamphlets, journals and newspapers, 1790s (The Northern Star.1792->), 1840s 1890s. The establishment of the National School system in 1831 meant that by the mid-1800s half the population could read and write. The Nation, established by Charles Gavan Duffy was the first Irish newspaper to aim its appeal at this extended literate audience. ‘Castle newspapers’ and their advantage. “…our wireless station..” James Connolly. Each wave of political nationalism preceded by a ‘ethnic revival’ or expression of cultural nationalism (Hutchinson)

45. Intellectual Life Enlightenment thinking evident in The Northern Star (The United Irishman newspaper) Mary Wollstonecraft’s Vindication of the Rights of Women inspired Mary Ann McCracken et al. Tom Paine’s The Rights of Man(1792) -named ‘the Koran of Belfast’. Counter-revolution followed the defeat of the ’78 Rebellion. Royal Irish Academy, Dunsink Observatory established in 1785. Kildare Street Club (1782) seceded from Daly’s (a Dublin coffee house). Sackville Street Club (1794) was a breakaway from Kildare Street Club.

46. Two Grandfathers and the NDR Joseph Hanly The National Ideal (1931). Copy in library. Joseph Byrne, Irish Citizen Army in 1913. Under Constance Markievicz command in the College of Surgeons, 1916. Both were part of the Irish NDR- or so I believe. My grandfather (Hanly) was on the politically conservative side (Catholic/Christian-Nationalist) and Joseph Byrne, Noreen’s grand father, on the politically radical- labour side.

47. Captain Joseph Byrne (first from the left) - August 1914.

48. The British Empire (1914) on which the sun never set.

49. “hold on to your rifles, as those with whom we are fighting may stop before our goal is reached. We are out for economic as well as political liberty” The words of James Connolly to members of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) just prior the 1916 Rising. Militarism or political preparedness?

50. By the turn of the 20 th century the land question was virtually solved as new social forces become more prominent e.g. the industrial working class (trade unions and socialism) and women (suffrage and feminism). Women won the vote in 1922. IRB/Volunteers/Sinn Fein/IRA/ICA & war of independence. Despite a cross-class alliance in the war of independence (1916-22), it was the Catholic middle class that was to become the principal class benefactor. Democratic Programme- Dail Eireann- 21 January, 1919. http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/DT/D.F.O.191901210015.html Writing on the class nature of the Free State (‘22-‘49) Peadar O’Donnell wrote that "There were many fine statements at the opening of the First Dail in January 1919 but in the end the ranches were protected and a form of landlordism preserved".

51. Irish Political Economy- Irish Capitalism Cumann na nGaedheal (the first governing party of the new state) adopted a policy of free trade with Britain combined with a predominant reliance on agriculture. With the change of government in 1932, Fianna Fail embarked on a policy of Economic Nationalism, which found expression in measures such as the Economic War, the Manufactures Acts 1932 (stipulated that the majority of shares in newly formed Irish companies had to be in the hands of Irish citizens), and in 1934 the imposition of import tariffs. While the 1948-51 Coalition Government is associated with Keynesian state planning, during Fianna Fail’s third period in office, the conditions for an export strategy based on an ‘industrialisation by invitation’ were established.

52. The Programme for Economic Expansion (1958) as envisioned by Kenneth Whitaker and acted upon by Sean Lemass et al coincided with end of post-WW2 boom and several catalysts of modernisation. The ‘industrialisation by invitation’ economic strategy bore fruit in the 1958-73 period.

53. Internal & External Democratising & Modernising Factors Ireland applied to join EEC in 1961, entered in 1973; (CAP and Structural Funds) Second Vatican Council -1962-5; Opening of Radio Telifis Eireann in 1962; Investment in Education published in 1965 Tail end of the post WW2 economic boom Telesis Report (1982) and Culliton Report (1992) express concern at economic dependency et al. Ireland’s performance does not its potential, Joe Lee Ireland: 1912-1985 (1989) Diarmuid Ferriter’s Transformation of Ireland: 1900-2000 (2004) addresses neglected questions of class and gender. Rise in citizen rights awareness, the importance of civil society and civic cosmopolitanism.

54. A ‘Carnival of Reaction’ - Opposed James Connolly argued that national partition would lead to a ‘carnival of reaction’ – true or not? Two confessional/corporate states, a dependent capitalism, the ideologies of a conservative Catholicism/Protestantism, weak civil society and a cowed public in terms of citizens rights and the “suppression of the body, of love, of experience” -Michael D.Higgins (1984). A conservative middle class predominated- north and south. In this context what does the ‘long revolution’ and/or the ‘national democratic revolution’ offer? Partition/Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (10 April, 1998)

55. Time for a song break ! Philip Chevron’s Faithful Departed http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7OqHobnKO8c

56. The concept of the ‘Celtic Tiger’ started with a question in a Morgan Stanley(MS) Euroletter (August 31 1994) asking whether Ireland was a ‘Celtic Tiger’ due to its recent growth rates, low inflation, growth in exports and firm exchange rates. Chemical, computer and electrical engineering the key players. Morgan Stanley’s analysis tallied with those of: Garret Fitzgerald’s (Irish Times Saturday column) and David Mc Williams (Irish economist, broadcaster & journalist). The ‘Celtic Tiger’- “Follow the Money”

57. Denis O’Hearn argued that the central reason for the Republic’s success was that Ireland had become one of the few international locations for ‘agglomerated foreign investment’. This followed Intel’s two stage move to Dublin (1991 & 1995). £70m of I£1billion punt investment paid in grants by the Irish state.

58. Each Intel job cost £75,000 against the average Industrial Development Authority (IDA) figure of £12,000. So ‘Tigerhood’ was bought and the other big names followed. In the 1990s TNCs made up 45% of Irish economic growth. While these figures highlight the continuing dependency of the Irish economy, a parallel growth in software production has occurred. Between 1993-1995 exports in the sector rose by 60%, form I£1.8b. to I£2.8b and jobs from 9,000 to 11,784. 400 indigenous companies.

59. A key contributory factor in the success story from the mid- 1990 was the Programme for Prosperity and Fairness, a partnership arrangement that has continued with the current Sustaining Progress (2003-5) deal negotiated by the ‘social partners’. ‘Social partnership’ dates from 1987. Partnership reinforced by government plans and strategy documents as well as the establishment of the National Economic and Social Forum in 1998 (www.nesf.ie).

60. In 1996 ‘Social partnership’ was extended to include community and voluntary organisations. The Celtic Tiger: The Myth of Social Partnership in Ireland (2000) by Kieran Allen provides a left wing critique. Labour and the Irish Economy James Plunkett (former trade union official and author of Strumpet City) identified three stages in the development of Irish trade unionism. 1.The stage associated with legal and industrial recognition. 2.The stage in which the union/employer relationship dominated. 3.The stage in which unions form an ‘economic trio’ with employers organisations and government.

61. But according to Fitzgerald it could “abruptly end”. The Irish Times Jan. 24 1998. In 2001 900 jobs lost with the closure of Gateway in Clonsaugh Industrial Estate, Coolock, Dublin. Hi-tech to ‘property boom’ and bust (?) Slow down rather than ‘end’. And what an end….?

62. Feminism & the Irish Women’s Movement In the 1960s the Irish Women’s Movement experienced a renewal. The Irish Women’s Liberation Movement (IWLM) established in 1970. IWLM’s six point manifesto centred on: 1. One family, one house; 2. Equal rights in law; 3. Equal pay now: removal of the marriage bar; 4. Justice for widows, deserted wives, unmarried mothers; 5. Equal educational opportunities; 6. Contraception - a human right (Chains or Change? The Civil Wrongs of Irish Women) (Smyth,1993).

63. Change, Lack of Change & Men’s Responses… 1.Successes arising from women-led campaigns: (i) Family planning, divorce, equal pay, women’s health/sexuality, abortion, crèches, sexist representations in the media, rape, lesbian rights; (See Kal Case: http://www.kalcase.org/ (ii) Legislation against discrimination; (iii) European Union directives; (iv) The entry of women into hitherto exclusively male roles and occupations; Greater visibility of women; (vi) Organisational (National Women’s Council of Ireland, Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition etc.); (vii) Women’s Studies (40 courses,O’Connor,1998)

64. Lack of Change for Men and Women 2. Lack of comprehensive reproductive health and childcare provision. Continuing levels of sexual harassment and other forms of violence against women (See Rape Crisis Centre and Women’s Aid websites). Fight, flight or acceptance of change arising from changing nature of work and the roles of women have placed the question of masculinity on the social agenda. Perceived male disadvantage and marginalisation centred on health issues, child access, equality before the law etc. The struggle for gay rights and homophobia.

65. Dear Students Am committed to the idea of developing a national- democratic analysis of Irish society- but still have a lot of work to do. Please accept the tentative mapping. Regards Des