Yerevan, Armenia January 14, 2007 Economic Sanctions in a Global Economy By Gary Clyde Hufbauer, Reginald Jones Senior Fellow Peterson Institute for International.

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Yerevan, Armenia January 14, 2007 Economic Sanctions in a Global Economy By Gary Clyde Hufbauer, Reginald Jones Senior Fellow Peterson Institute for International Economics Conference on The Economic and Social Impacts of Opening the Armenia –Turkish Border

2 Trends in the Use of Economic Sanctions Number of observations Non-US Cases Non-unilateral US cases Unilateral US cases

3 Who hits… US EC/EU 9 19 USSR/ Russia 0 6 UN 1 12

4 …and who gets hit? Africa 9 17 Asia Lat. America Middle East 8 4 USSR/ FSU 5 8

5 For sanctions to succeed Costs of defiance Direct cost of sanctions Escalation threat Relations with sender and third parties Political response in target Costs of Compliance External security Internal security and stability Political well-being Personal well-being >

6 Success rates for US sanctions /28 = 54% /99 = 27%

7 An increase of 10 percentage points in the merchandise trade to GDP ratio raises GDP per capita by 5%. The same coefficient probably applies to commercial services trade. An increase of 10 percentage points in the FDI to GDP ratio may raise GDP per capita by as much as 10%. Sanctions diminish commerce, both for targets and senders. This is costly because international trade and foreign direct investment matter for economic growth

8 Armenian Trade has Grown Fast Since 2000 ($ millions) Source: Direction of Trade Statistics Armenian GDP Growth has also Performed Very Well Source: International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook Database, September 2006

9 But Armenia's Trade with Immediate Neighbors Remains Small (percent of total merchandise trade, imports plus exports, 2005) Source: Direction of Trade Statistics

10 And Armenian Trade and FDI Compare Poorly with other Crossroad Countries Source : World Investment Report 2006 and WTO website

11 Political Goals of Economic Sanctions in the Caucasus Region Turkey vs. Armenia ( ) Withdraw Armenian forces from the Nagorno–Karabakh region between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Disclaim preamble to the Armenian constitution which refers to the 1990 Declaration of Independence that in turn speaks of Western Armenia and recognition of the genocide of Disclaim Mount Ararat as the symbol of the Armenian state. Armenia to recognize de jure the existing Turkish–Armenian border, established by the Treaty of Kars.

12 Azerbaijan vs. Armenia ( ) Withdraw Armenia forces from the Nagorno–Karabakh region. Accept the proposal that Nagorno-Karabakh will be allowed a high degree of autonomy but will remain part of Azerbaijan. Armenia to cease using the foreign aid to enhance its military force.

13 Lessons from Sanctions History for Turkey and Armenia The likelihood that Turkey will achieve its political goals with economic sanctions against Armenia is small. The likelihood that Azerbaijan will achieve its political goals by economic sanctions against Armenia is non- existent. However, trade barriers of all kinds (tariffs, quotas, sanctions) create vested interests that invoke every available argument to perpetuate the barriers. For a crossroads country, the economic damage from measures that cut off trade with neighboring nations is severe.

14 Lessons from Sanctions History for Turkey and Armenia (contd) In the 1960s, Singapore had bitter memories of Malaysia. In the 1990s, Jordan had little friendship with Israel. Even today, Panama has a cool relationship with Colombia and the rest of Central America. Nevertheless Jordan, Panama and Singapore all value commerce over a foreign policy based on political hostility. Their neighbors reciprocated. Can Turkey and Armenia follow the same path? What about Azerbaijan and Armenia?