Beggars Can be Choosers: On Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics Jesús Jiménez (Universitat de València) Workshop on Ibero-Romance Phonology and Morphology, UCL, London, 18 March 2014

2 « The system of pronominal (anaphoric) clitics is possibly the most complex element of Catalan grammar. » (Wheeler 2005: 341)

3 I. Contextual variation: Valencian em /m/ & els /l+z/: em passa ‘s/he passes me’ m’ataca ‘s/he attacks me’ me la passa ‘s/he passes it FEM to me’ passa’ls ‘pass them ACC MASC ’ passar-los ‘to pass them ACC MASC ’ passa-mos-els ‘pass them ACC MASC to us’ Main difficult issues

4 II. Dialectal variation: Valencian em /m/ & els /l+z/: em ~ me passa m’ataca me la passa passa’ls ~ -los passar-los passa-mos-els ~ -mos-los ~ -mo’ls … Main difficult issues

5 III. Polysemic forms: Valencian els /l+z/: els passa cada dia them ACC MASC ‘s/he passes them every day’ els passa la sal them DAT ‘s/he passes them the salt’ Main difficult issues

6 IV. Non-transparent –syncretic– forms, even in Valencian (mostly compositional): Standard Valencian: els els passa ‘to them them ACC MASC ’ Alternate outcomes (only Valencian ones): li ‘ls passalit. ‘to him/her them ACC MASC ’ els ho passalit. ‘to them that’ li ho passalit. ‘to him/her that ’ li ho’s passalit. ‘to him/her that PL ’ … Main difficult issues

7 «M’he passat la nit somiant amb els pronoms febles. » (Martí, Poble Nou, 1994) «Last night I had a thousand nigthmares... about weak pronouns!» Problems learning pronouns? No wonder

8 I. Contextual variation & II. Dialectal variation & The ‘choice’ of epenthetic vowels Main focus of this talk: Variation

9 The syllabification of pronominal clitics obeys the Economy Principle: E.g. epenthetic vowels are only inserted when necessary & where necessary. A variation OT can deal with

10 Previously studied in a derivational model: Wheeler (1979), Viaplana (1980), Colomina (1985), Mascaró (1986), DeCesaris (1987), Todolí (1988, 1992, 1994), Bonet (1991, 1993), Morales & Prieto (1992), Lloret & Viaplana (1996), Bonet & Lloret (1998a)... A variation OT can deal with

11 Profusion of OT works: Bonet & Lloret (1995, 1996, 1998b, 2002, 2005), Colina (1995), Jiménez & Todolí (1995), Palmada & Serra (1995), Serra (1996), Jiménez (1997, 1999), Campmany (2008)... A variation OT can deal with

12 Why are clitics so appealing to OT? syllable structure /m/

13 Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure /m/

14 Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure /m/ morphological integrity (contiguity)

15 Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure /m/ morphological integrity (contiguity) faithfulness

16 Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure paradigmatic pressure /m/ morphological integrity (contiguity) faithfulness

17 Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure paradigmatic pressure /m/formal iconicity morphological integrity (contiguity) faithfulness

18 Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure paradigmatic pressure.../m/formal iconicity morphological integrity (contiguity) faithfulness

19 I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics (basics) as a conflict between markedness & contiguity constraints II. Underlying representation of clitics III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel IV. (Morpho)phonologically conditioned allomorph selection Outline of the presentation

20 I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics /m#pasa/

21 I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics /m#pasa/ a. me pása b. em pása

22 I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics 1. Syllabic well-formedness constraints: *P EAK /C ONS & OTHERS (*σ-S TRUC ) O NSET *C ODA *C OMPLEX C ODA...

23 I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics 2. Faithfulness constraints: D EP -V M AX R EALIZE -M ORPHEME...

24 I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics 3. Contiguity constraints: C ONTIGUITY STEM : /st ɔ p/ C ONTIGUITY STEM / AFFIX : /st ɔ p+z/, /l+z/ C ONTIGUITY HOST / CLITIC : /m#pasa/, /pasa#m/ /l#pasa/, /pasa#l/ /l+z#pasa/, /pasa#l+z/ C ONTIGUITY C LITIC / CLITIC : /m#l+a#pasa/

25 I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics Contiguity over markedness 1: relevant ranking: C ONTIGUITY HOST / CLITIC >> D EP -V, O NSET, *C ODA /m#pasa/C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VO NSET *C ODA a. me pása*!* √ b. em pása*** /m#ataka/C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VO NSET *C ODA √ a. m atáka b. me atáka*!** c. em atáka**

26 I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics Contiguity over markedness 2: ranking: C ONT STEM / AFFIX, C ONT HOST / CLITIC >> *C OMPLEX C ODA, *C ODA /l#pasa/C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL *C OMP C ODA *C ODA a. le pása*! √ b. el pása* /lz#pasa/C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL *C OMP C ODA C ODA a. les pása*!* √ b. els pása**

27 I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics The emergency of the unmarked: relevant ranking: C ONTIGUITY HOST / CLITIC >> O NSET, *C ODA >> C ONTIGUITY CLITIC / CLITIC /m#pasa/C ONT HOST / CL O NSET *C ODA C ONT CL / CL a. me pása*! √ b. em pása** /m#l+a#pasa/C ONT HOST / CL O NSET *C ODA C ONT CL / CL √ a. me la pása** b. em la pása**!

28 II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3): 1. Option 1: [e] are the product of a phonological process of epenthesis → the 1 st person clitic: - has a single underlying form, /m/, & - different outputs are derived through the application of processes or constraints.

29 II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3): 1. Option 1): The results in m’ataca [m atáka], em passa [em pása] & me la passa [me la pása] can be derived from the ranking of well-founded principles. The epenthetic vowel [e] & its peripheral position are the same as the vowels appearing:  in patrimonial words: centre ‘center’ /sent ɾ / [sent ɾ e] batre ‘to hit’ /bat+ ɾ / [bat ɾ e]  in loanwords: stop /st ɔ p/ [est ɔ ́p]

30 II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3): 2. Option 2: [e] are present underlyingly → 1 st person clitic: - has 3 different allomorphs: /m/, /em/ & /me/ - which are a) either chosen by mere stipulation or b) derived from independently needed constraints.

31 II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3): 2. Option 2b): Markedness constraints *C ODA & O NSET favor the winning candidates m’ataca [m atáka] or me la passa [me la pása].

32 II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3): 2. Option 2b):  In a form such as em passa [em pása]…...it’s not possible to resort to syllabification for the choice of the allomorph /em/ nor to ground the choice on contiguity constraints, since the vowel of /me/ is now part of the clitic. / { m, em, me } #pasa/C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VO NSET *C ODA √ a. me pása  b. em pása*!

33 II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3): 2. Option 2:  Hence, at least in some cases, “the choice of one allomorph over another would have to be a mere stipulation” (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 45). For all these reasons, forms such as /m/ or /l+z/, without the allegedly epenthetic vowels, have been posited as underlying forms for pronominal clitics (cf. Wheeler 1979, Viaplana 1980, Mascaró 1986, Bonet 2002).

34 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Choice based on : 1. Segmental markedness (Palmada 1994): a) Eastern Catalan: featureless vowel, [ə] b) Western Catalan: two vowels, [e] & sometimes [a] 2. Positional markedness (Lloret & Jiménez 2008, Jiménez & Lloret 2013).

35 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: [i][u] [e][o] [ə] [ ɛ ][ ɔ ] [a]

36 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: [i] [e] [a]

37 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: Peak hierarchy [i] [e] [a]

38 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: Peak hierarchy [i]*P EAK [i] [e] *P EAK [e] [a] *P EAK [a]

39 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: PeakUnstressed hierarchy peak hierarchy [i]*P EAK [i] [e] *P EAK [e] [a] *P EAK [a]

40 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: PeakUnstressed hierarchy peak hierarchy [i]*P EAK [i] *U NSTR P K [a] [e] *P EAK [e] *U NSTR P K [e] [a] *P EAK [a] *U NSTR P K [i]

41 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: Peak&Unstressed hierarchy peak hierarchy [i] *P EAK [i], *U NSTR P K [a] [e] *P EAK [e], *U NSTR P K [e] [a] *P EAK [a], *U NSTR P K [i]

42 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Variety I: Standard Valencian

43 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel, always [e]: at the word- level…  Word-initially:  [e]stop  [e]spaguetis  Elsewhere:  centr[e](cf. centr-al)  batr[e](cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)

44 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel, always [e]: at the word- level… & in the clitic group:  Proclisis:  [e]m passa  m[e]l passa  Enclisis:  passar-m[e]  passa-m[e]l

45 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Ranking: *P EAK [i], *U NSTR P K [a] >> *P EAK [e], *U NSTR P K [e] /m#pasa/*P EAK [i]*U NSTR P K [a]*P EAK [e]*U NSTR P K [e] a. am pása*! √ b. em pása** c. im pása*!

46 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian (Garcia & Beltran 1994, Beltran 2005)

47 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel: at the word-level…  [a] word-initially:  [a]stop  [a]spaguetis  [e] elsewhere:  centr[e](cf. centr-al)  batr[e](cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)

48 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel: in the clitic group…  [a] in proclisis:  [a]m passa  m[a]l passa  [e] in enclisis:  passar-m[e]  passa-m[e]l

49 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Among unstressed syllables, initial syllables are considered prominent (i.e. peaks) We can split the *U NSTR P K [α] ranking in two, depending on the site of the epenthesis, i.e. in proclisis or in enclisis:  Proclisis: *U NSTR P K P R [a] >> *U NSTR P K P R [e] >> *U NSTR P K P R [i]  Enclisis: *U NSTR P K EN [a] >> *U NSTR P K EN [e] >> *U NSTR P K EN [i] And order these sub-hierarchies in different ways w.r.t. the general *P EAK [α] ranking.

50 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Enclitic forms; relevant ranking: *P EAK [i], *U NSTR P K EN [a] >> *P EAK [e], *U NSTR P K EN [e] /pasá ɾ #m/ *P EAK [i]*U NSTR P K EN [a]*P EAK [e]*U NSTR P K EN [e] a. pasá ɾ ma *! √ b. pasá ɾ me ** c. pasá ɾ mi *!

51 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Proclitic forms; relevant ranking: I DENT [low], *P EAK [i] >> *P EAK [e] >> *U NSTR P K PR [a] /m#pása/*I DENT [low] *P EAK [i]*P EAK [e]*U NSTR P K PR [a] √ a. am pása* b. em pása*! c. im pása*!

52 III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Proclitic forms, with underlying vowels; relevant ranking: I DENT [low], *P EAK [i] >> *P EAK [e] >> *U NSTR P K PR [a] /lez#pása/*I DENT [low] *P EAK [i]*P EAK [e]*U NSTR P K PR [a] a. las pása*!* √ b. les pása* c. lis pása*!

53 IV. Allomorph selection Case study: Plural masculine accusative

54 IV. Allomorph selection Data (Standard Valencian): Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: els porta, vos els porta Enclisis:  [ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, &  [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls  [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los  [els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els

55 IV. Allomorph selection Formal interpretation: the clitic pronoun els has two allomorphs (Mascaró 1986; Todolí 1988, 1992; Jiménez 1997): /l+z/ ~ /l+o+z/ /o/ is a gender morph → not an epenthetic vowel

56 IV. Allomorph selection Following Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró (2007), we assume both allomorphs (/l+z/ & /l+o+z/) are ordered in the lexical entry: Accusative plural: { /l+z/ > /l+o+z/ } The selection of the first form is enhanced by the P RIORITY constraint, which «demands faithfulness to this ordering, i.e. favors the choice of the unmarked allomorph» ( Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró 2007: 906)

57 IV. Allomorph selection Variety I: Standard Valencian P RIORITY ( { l+z > l+o+z } ) >> D EP -V

58 IV. Allomorph selection Data (Standard Valencian): Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: els porta, vos els porta Enclisis:  [ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, &  [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls  [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los  [els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els

59 IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: C ONT STEM / AFFIX, C ONT HOST / CLITIC >> P RIORITY ({ L + Z > L + O + Z }) >> D EP -V /pasa#{lz>loz}/C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL P RIOR D EP -V √ a. pása ls b. pása los*! c. pása les*!* /pasa ɾ #{lz>loz}/ C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL P RIOR D EP -V a. pasá ɾ els *!* √ b. pasá ɾ los * c. pasá ɾ les *!*

60 IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: C ONT STEM / AFFIX, C ONT HOST / CLITIC >> P RIORITY ({ L + Z > L + O + Z }) >> D EP -V /pasa ɾ #m#{lz>loz}/ C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL P RIOR D EP -V √ a. pasá ɾ me ls ** b. pasá ɾ me los **!* /pasa ɾ #voz#{lz>loz}/ C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL P RIOR D EP -V √ a. pasá ɾ voz els ** b. pasá ɾ voz los **!

61 IV. Allomorph selection Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian D EP -V >> P RIORITY ( { l+z > l+o+z } )

62 IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: C ONT STEM / AFFIX, C ONT HOST / CLITIC >> D EP - V >> P RIORITY ({ L + Z > L + O + Z }) /pasa#{lz>loz}/C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VP RIOR √ a. pása ls b. pása los*! /pasa ɾ #{lz>loz}/ C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VP RIOR a. pasá ɾ els *!* √ b. pasá ɾ los *

63 IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: C ONT STEM / AFFIX, C ONT HOST / CLITIC >> D EP - V >> P RIORITY ({ L + Z > L + O + Z }) /pasa#m#{lz>loz}/C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VP RIOR √ a. pása ɾ me ls ** b. pása ɾ me los ***! /pasa ɾ #voz#{lz>loz}/ C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VP RIOR a. pása ɾ voz els **! √ b. pása ɾ voz los **

64 IV. Allomorph selection Data (Pedreguer Valencian): Enclisis :  [ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, &  [ls] after a clitic ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls  [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, &  [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los (cf. standard portar-vos-els) Intermediate extension of /l+o+z/

65 IV. Allomorph selection Variety III: Palmera Valencian P RIORITY inversion ( { l+o+z > l+z } ) in enclisis

66 IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: C ONT STEM / AFFIX, C ONT HOST / CLITIC >> D EP - V, P RIORITY ({ L + O + Z > L + Z }) /pasa#{loz>lz}/C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VP RIOR a. pása ls*! √ b. pása los /pasa ɾ #{loz>lz}/ C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VP RIOR a. pása ɾ els *!** √ b. pása ɾ los

67 IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: C ONT STEM / AFFIX, C ONT HOST / CLITIC >> D EP - V, P RIORITY ({ L + O + Z > L + Z }) /pasa#m#{loz>lz}/C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VP RIOR a. pasá ɾ me ls ***! √ b. pasá ɾ me los ** /pasa ɾ #voz#{loz>lz}/ C ONT STEM / AFFIX C ONT HOST / CL D EP -VP RIOR a. pasá ɾ voz els **!* √ b. pasá ɾ voz los *

68 IV. Allomorph selection Data (Palmera Valencian): Enclisis:  [los] after a host ending in V: porta-los, &  [los] after a clitic ending in (epenth.) V: portar-me-los  [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, &  [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los Maximal extension of /l+o+z/

69 V. Final remarks In the process of grammaticalization, pronominal clitics tend to become regular affixes & reduce their form to the minimum: …Independent words Palmera Valencian Pedreguer Valencian Standard Valencian …Affixes

70 V. Final remarks Hence, as regular affixes, they tend to add the default epenthetic vowel: [e] in Western Catalan [ə] in Eastern Catalan Although sometimes the support segments are chosen on positional markedness or on morphophonological grounds: cf., respectively, Pedreguer Valencian [a]ls porta & portar-l[o]s.

71 V. Final remarks With regard to the last exceptions to the general pattern, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence: On the one hand, whereas proclitic forms tend to maximally reduce, resorting, if needed, to an epenthetic vowel (cf. Standard Val. [e]ls porta), enclitic forms can retain part of their primordial morphosyntactic independence with the presence of specific gender markers (cf. Standard Val. portar-l[o]s).

72 V. Final remarks With regard to these exceptions to the general rule, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence: On the other hand, only proclitic forms usually take vowels whose segmental features replicate the phonological prominence of the initial position, as in Pedreguer Val. m[a]ls porta vs. porta-m[e]ls.

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78 Thank you for your attention Jesús Jiménez Research funded by the Spanish MINECO and the FEDER (FFI C03-02) and by the Generalitat de Catalunya (2009SGR521) Presentation soon available at: