Constructions of Deviance, 6e Patricia A. Adler Peter Adler Part VIII Power Point Presentation Kenneth Colburn Sociology Department Butler University

Deviant Careers Part VIII

Deviant Careers A. Entering Deviance Attracts greatest amount of scholarly attention for two reasons: Policy makers have great interest in finding out how and why people enter deviance so they can prevent it It is fairly easy data for researchers to collect because every person or group of deviants can tell the story of how they got into the scene

Deviant Careers Over the past decades sociologists have provided information to public that has been adapted to make decisions aimed at influencing and deterring deviance This includes the concept of “at risk” populations a range of risk factors such as gang membership, dropping out of school, unwed pregnancy, suicide, depression, eating disorders, arrest, etc.

Deviant Careers It also includes protective factors that in the facing multiple risks act to prevent individuals from becoming involved in such deviance

Deviant Careers B. Training and socialization of new deviants Not much research has been written about this topic for several reasons: While most deviants may be socialized to the norms and values of their activity through contact with fellow deviants, most receive little explicit training in how to do deviance

Deviant Careers Real training occurs when deviants work together, side by side, as a team, leaving only crews and deviant organizations as places where training may occur Researchers have suggested that the number of criminals engaged in crew operations has declined in recent years

Deviant Careers C. Change over time This type of process analysis requires in-depth understanding not easily gotten through snapshot approach of survey research Longitudinal studies of deviant careers are rare but valuable since they can identify motivations, rewards, conflicts, and problems that deviants encounter over course of their deviant careers

Deviant Careers Such studies are very helpful to people who struggle to understand themselves, friends and family members caught up in deviance as well a to policy makers

Deviant Careers D. Exiting deviance High political-policy interest in this topic as search for ways to induce persons to quit their deviance This is a difficult topic to research: information on longer-term deviants and their attitudes toward the scene, the people in them, their hopes and dreams is scarce

Deviant Careers Available research suggests several “push” and “pull” factors as follows: Individuals with whom the deviant interacts, such as victims or spouses, may push them out of deviance especially in extended exploitative transactions such as incest

Deviant Careers Among drug traffickers deviants may burn out from extended drug use and increasing risk of arrest or death Reentering the straight world can be difficult since legitimate work that pas well may be limited and even putting together a resume that accounts for gaps in work

Deviant Careers E. Postdeviant life Most difficult data to collect since such persons will be difficult to identify or lcate once they have left deviant worlds and seek to blend into straight society

Deviant Careers F. Deviant versus legitimate careers This approach views deviance as an occupation and compares it to legitimate jobs Work in deviant areas may hold similarities to the skills, professionalism, connections and attitudes of conventional jobs

Deviant Careers Goods and services are bought, sold, and distributed; costs, profits and risks are calculated; business opportunities, associates, suppliers, and customers identified, assessed and communicated with Yet there are limitations to this analogy: contracts cannot be legally enforced, careers are much less stable and subject to change, the business environment has high risks of death and imprisonment to those involved

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Part VIII

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar A. Introduction A pimp is one who controls the actions and lives off the proceeds of one or more women who work the streets Pimps call themselves “players” and their profession “the game” The context in which this subculture exists is called “the life”

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Street-level prostitution entails sexual acts for money or barter that occur on and off the streets and include sexual activity in cars and motels, as dancers in men’s clubs, massage parlor work, truck stops and crack house work It represents that segment of prostitution industry where there is the most violence This study aims to examine pimp-related violence toward women involved in street prostitution within the context of pimp-controlled prostitution

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar B. Method Derived from larger study of both independent and pimp-controlled women Subjects were 18-35 years of age and no longer involved in prostitution Selected through snowball sampling A total of 21 former street prostitutes from Midwest were interviewed: 13 white, 7 African American, 1 Latino

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Time working in prostitution ranged from 3 months to 13 years 6 of the women had pimps and 13 worked independently; of the former, 5 were white and 1 Latino; ages ranged from 18-28 and time ranged from 4 to 8 years

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar The researcher spent six months on the streets, three days per week, learning the culture, language and geographic layout of the streets as well as the population In-depth, face-to-face interviews about 2 hours in length were conducted with the 6 participants involved in pimp-controlled prostitution and 1 with a pimp

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar C. Pimping: Rules of the game Players, pimps and macks are at top pf of the pimping game These men in power control and manipulate the actions of those subordinate to them Most important rule: “the pimp must get paid”: can be no “shame in your game” meaning that one must demand money without shame

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Second rule: the game is “sold and not told”: pimps must be able to persuade prospective prostitute to add to his stable without revealing entire game plan Pimps develop a convincing “rap” that involves poetry with a philosophy of life and making money

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Third and final rule: a pimp needs dedicated women who want to see him on top: wearing fine clothes, driving nice cars In other words, his success or failure is a reflection on her: if prostitute’s man is not looking his best, she is not a very successful ho As a prostitute she must work very hard to earn his respect and his love and to keep him achieving the best in material possessions

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar The most well-respected pimps are called “macks”: they are at top of the game and employ many hardworking, successful prostitutes “Players” dominate the scene with average stable of women Tennis show pimps are lowest status with one or two girls on streets and unlike more successful pimps may do drugs and allow their women to use drugs

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar D. Turning a woman out Looking and smelling good, flashing possessions and appearing to be able to provide adventure and excitement Pimps are skilled at assessing a woman’s needs and vulnerabilities and understanding how to exploit these and fulfill her unmet needs are necessary to enabling him to prostitute her

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Pimps offer women hope for future, especially financial success, as part of process of “turning woman out” on streets to make profit and launching new career as prostitute Subjects were told they were beautiful and men wanted them so much they would pay money They were told that if they worked the game good enough the game would work for them

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar The women longed for a sense of belonging, an exciting hope for the future, an adventure that would unite them with a man who told them they had special skills, intelligence, and beauty As women become proficient in the game they become known as thoroughbreds Thoroughbreds are professionals who maintain market rates, handle customers, command money, and conduct business effectively to maximize profits

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar E. Free enterprise and choosing up Pimps realize they have to invest time and money into their product (women) first before it can return a profit Hence there is a “honeymoon” or courting time between pimp and prospective prostitute during which time the pimp “runs his game” by progressively leading up to what their relationship is all about and earning her trust and respect prior to turning her out

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Pimps understand capitalism (competition) and that it is a pimp’s prerogative to entice any woman away from another pimp Thus other pimps are free to seduce a woman away from her current pimp and into his stable for financial gain without fear of retaliation due to street rule: “bros before hoes” Women approached is expected to not respond to such advances and to even avoid eye contact

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Women who permit contact become “out of pockets,” putting her pimp’s money at risk and are subject to “being broke” or physically reprimanded Or the seducing pimp may choose to “break her” and take all her money

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar If a woman is dissatisfied with her current pimp, the appropriate way to switch pimps is to make a decision and “choose up”: This involves putting the money in the other pimp’s hand, letting your man know you are leaving and going with another pimp

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar F. Pimp and prostitute relationships in the game Women involved with tennis shoe pimps more likely to consider themselves in love Women involved with more corporate pimps (three or more women) tend to describe their relationship as one of infatuation, admiration, loyalty

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar In latter women became “wife-in-law” or part of family that works for the benefit of the same pimp Wife-in-laws may responsible for ongoing training of recent inductees; a “bottom” bitch or number one lady may have less demanding sex work expectations True talent of a pimp is ability to keep his women happy, command money, and convey mysterious and mean demeanor:

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar To be “cold-blooded” or “icy,” able to turn off any warmth or love or affection with emotional cruelty and physical harm A pimp must never bow down to his woman at any time: to never allow love to cloud his judgment about business or he will become vulnerable and risk loss of success The pimp rule is: “purse first, ass last”

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar G. Pimp-related violence: Physical control of women The extent to which women felt threatened by pimp was related to her evaluation of his propensity to use violence This threat had been realized by all women in this study

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Pimp violence could be unpredictable and took many forms Most revealing form was immediate attack following a violation of the rules such as leaving the “ho stroll” or designated work area early without making one’s daily quota or for withholding some money Some pimps use violence as a means of discouraging freelance work and coercing money from women who work within pimp territory but not for any pimp

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar H. Pimp-related violence: Emotional control of women A pimp’s success is dependent on arousing fear and love in his women By giving attention to more than woman at same time, he heightens love each woman desires all to herself and fear she may lose part of it but risks their jealously and rivalry

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Trust is required between pimp and prostitutes which enables women to come to terms with negative aspects of relationship and to take abuses in stride by placing in a broader context of how their needs for security and protection are being met As a result there are often inconsistencies between cognitive and behavioral aspects of pimp-prostitute relationships

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar I. Leaving pimp-controlled prostitution Several factors prevent women from seeking legal assistance Women may be fearful and intimidated by what may happen as a result of reporting violence Women may love their pimp in spite of abuses Women may have previous negative experience with law enforcement such as reluctance to take their claims about customer or pimp violence

Article 45 Williamson & Cluse-Tolar The primary means by which women who are fed up and decide to leave prostitution is escape The power and control pimps maintain over women is similar to the power exercised by men over women in domestic violence relationships Violence may be less subject to cycle of domestic abuse and less predictable in pimp-controlled prostitution