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Gemination as non-local lengthening Anne Pycha, UC Berkeley.

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Presentation on theme: "Gemination as non-local lengthening Anne Pycha, UC Berkeley."— Presentation transcript:

1 Gemination as non-local lengthening Anne Pycha, UC Berkeley

2 Geminates PhonologyPhonetics C C C C /t / [t:] [rel = ] Complex segments with internal detail –Characterize what gemination does

3 Overview Problem: Release features… –Seem to play no role in length contrasts –Even though they should Phonetic study: Hungarian… –Source of lengthening comes from the right –Most likely to lengthen frication, but doesnt Phonological problems, and possible solutions… –Affricate representations –Geminate representations

4 Overview Proposal: Gemination as morpheme strengthening –Degrees of fortification –Degrees of lengthening Predictions –Cross-linguistic –Hungarian-internal

5 Release features Problem (Part 1): Release features seem to play no role in length contrasts. Closure duration as primary perceptual cue to singleton-geminate contrast. –Lisker 1958: Swedish, Marathi, Telugu –Pickett & Decker 1968: English –Obrecht 1965: Arabic –Repp 1983: English Suggests diminished role for release.

6 Affricates Reasonable: Release features play bigger (or different) role when they are distinctive Example: Affricates, where release corresponds to frication Expectation: Frication portion of affricate might lengthen under gemination

7 Affricates Shilluk (Eastern Sudanic, Sudan) it should be clarified that the lengthening [of t ] is evidenced on the closure phase (Gilley 1992: 27). Anejom (Malayo-Polynesian, Vanuatu) Geminate /t / also occurs, with the stop onset, but not the fricative release, being lengthened – thus [t: ] (Lynch 2000: 24)

8 Affricates Attested:C C T S Unattested?:*C C T S

9 Affricates Problem (Part 2) Reasons to think frication should lengthen under gemination 1.Affricates can pattern like fricatives –Hungarian, Yucatec Maya –Segmental status for frication (S) –Fricative segments lengthen under gemination, so frication should too

10 Affricates 2.Perception of affricate does not require stop closure portion –Fricatives: gradual rise in noise –Affricates: abrupt rise in noise –Noise alone suffices for affricate percept English listeners (Repp et al. 1978) Hungarian listeners (Tarnóczy 1987) –Suggests independence of S

11 Affricates 3. Listeners appear to need it! –Pattani Malay: singleton/geminate contrast in initial position –Abramson (1986 et seq.): Listeners make length distinction in utterance- initial position True for all consonants, even voiceless stops where no apparent cues are present, as well as fricatives Exception: Affricates, at 50% Why not lengthen the S?

12 Release features Turkish (Lahiri & Hankamer 1988) Articulatory data: – closure duration: significant – VOT: significant

13 Phonetic study Goal: test reality of constraint on lengthened S within an affricate Context: –Affricates in geminate environment –Source of gemination: rightmost (S) side –Most likely to produce lengthened frication. Method: duration measurements.

14 Phonetic study Language: Hungarian Affricates: [ts, t, dz, d, ty, dy] Previous research –Magdics (1969) –Szende (1974) –Tarnóczy (1987)

15 Phonetic study Affixal gemination in Hungarian RootInstrumental kert hatkert-tel piros redpiros-sal bajtroublebaj-jal ketrec cageketrec-cel etc…

16 Phonetic study Affixal singletons Superessive case [t at-on] buckle-Sup, [va -on] iron-Sup [kat -on] fringe-Sup Affixal geminates Instrumental case [t at-tal] buckle-Instr, [va - al] iron-Instr [kat -t al] fringe- Instr

17 Stimuli (from Papp 1969) Noun roots ending in… –Affricates /t, ts/ –Corresponding obstruent /t/ –Corresponding sibilants /s, / –Stop-sibilant clusters /ps, p, ks, k / Monosyllabic roots: /kat / fringe Disyllabic roots: /pamat / mop

18 Stimuli 8 word shapes (CVC, CV:C, etc) x 5 segment types /ts, t, t, s, / x 2 repetitions of each shape x 3 speakers = noun roots

19 Stimuli: Clusters All noun roots ending in clusters 11 Shapes: CVCC/gips/ CVNCC/skunks/ C(C)VC(C)VCC/kyklops/

20 Data: Environments Each noun root (n=200) in two different environments: Intervocalic singleton:/kat -on/(Super) Intervocalic geminate:/kat -Cal/ (Instr)

21 Results: Raw durations T T: S S: TS T:S All consonants

22 Results: Raw durations Within affricates T T: S S:

23 Calculation: Ratio in disyllable k a t o n (Subject 4) t = 0.1 at on = 0.1 at on

24 Results: Ratio in disyllable


26 Discussion Affricates under affixal gemination Duration of T changes Duration of S stays basically the same …even in rightmost environment that (according to locality) should affect S Constraint on lengthened S seems to be real

27 Discussion Typical account: –Instrumental suffix has empty slot, /-Cal/ –Spreading fills C with features *C V C - C V C k a t a l –Locality problem

28 Rethinking affricates Re-think representation of affricates? Traditional representation is ordered: C TS

29 Rethinking affricates Phonology: Unordered representation (Lombardi 1990) T C S Phonetics: Universal ordering = TS

30 Rethinking affricates Evidence: anti-edge effects (Lombardi 1990) Sensitivity to T from right –Basque –Turkish Sensitivity to S from the left –Yucatec Maya MSCs –Hungarian

31 Rethinking affricates Gemination as an anti-edge effect? Source of lengthening: right (next to S) Target of lengthening: left (T) ….TS-al Problem: Gemination can target both T and S independently (not just T) Unordered representation doesnt help

32 Rethinking affricates C T [rel = S] Closure feature with dependent release

33 Rethinking affricates Problem: we lose unity of behavior between affricates and fricatives CversusC TS [rel = S ]

34 Rethinking affricates Root node spreadingX T S Problem: lost fact of lengthened T

35 Rethinking affricates No good solution for affricate representation Geminate representation: Is the C-slot the problem?

36 Rethinking geminates Alternative: suffix -al triggers strengthening in the root –Intuition: -al is weak –Converse: Root is strong –Suppose that: Strong-weak relationships are manifested during morpheme concatenation –Manifestation is violable

37 Rethinking geminates Strength relationship Roots > Suffix -al kat >al Manifestation: Fortification, and/or Lengthening

38 Rethinking geminates Multiple ways for roots to be fortified –Have stress (cf. Smith 2001) –Segments have more stricture: J S T

39 Rethinking geminates Multiple ways to for roots to be longer: –Have a mora (cf. Hayes 1992) –Have a coda –Have a longer segment

40 Analysis Proposal for Hungarian Length requirement for roots: –Have a coda Strength requirement for roots: –Have coda = T (most stricture) Implemented as subcategorization frame […VC] σ -al T

41 Analysis […VC] σ -al T /lat-al/ lat.Cal lat.tal Continuous syllabification to template (Itô 1986)

42 Analysis Stricture requirement is violable: latlat.tal vasvas.sal*vat.sal bajbaj.jal*bat.jal Faith [stricture] >> T Keep underlying stricture.

43 Analysis Stricture requirement is violable: /n :-el/ *n :tel Dep [stricture] >> T Do not insert stricture.

44 Analysis Stricture requirement becomes apparent… S S Phonetics /kaC-al/ kaC Cal kaC Cal T T T S

45 Analysis Clusters /gips-el/ gip.sel

46 Analysis Alignment: Requires morpheme and syllable edges to coincide –Simple segments (same) –Affricates (unclear) [kat ][al] kat.Xal *kat. al, *kat. al –Clusters (different) [gips][el] gips.Xel *gips.sel

47 Predictions 1.Morphology as determining factor Roots > Suffixes: Meithei (Tibeto-Burman, India) Acooli (Nilotic; Uganda) Ibibio (Eastern Sudanic; Nigeria) Hup and Yuhup (Maku; Brazil) Maithili (Indo-Iranian; India) Mokilese (Malayo-Polynesian, Micronesia)

48 Predictions 2. Preference for strong strictures The presence of a geminate continuant consonant in the segment inventory implies the presence of a corresponding non-continuant (Kirchner 2001) Language 1: TT Language 2: TT, SS *Language 3: SS

49 Predictions 3. Gemination is one degree of lengthening Cross-linguistic evidence T h ese (Nilotic, Sudan; Yip 2004) à- kw I plant - kw you (sg) plant á- kw I planted Hungarian evidence

50 Predictions /gips-el/ gip.sel C-slot analysis: –No gemination because *CCC –No root lengthening Lengthening analysis: –No gemination because σ templates satisfied –Degrees of lengthening could still occur –Target = [p]

51 Data: Clusters Hungarian noun roots ending in clusters PS, KS PSKS /gips//skunks/ /tap // teks/ / naps//boks/ /mumps/ /vok / /tritseps// uviks/ /kyklops/

52 Results: Ratio in disyllable Non-lengtheners:2/3 of cluster tokens

53 Results: Ratio in disyllable Non-lengtheners:2/3 of cluster tokens

54 Results: Ratio in disyllable Lengtheners:1/3 of cluster tokens

55 Results: Ratio in disyllable Lengtheners:1/3 of cluster tokens

56 Conclusions Problems for affricate representation remain (/t - t / t: ) Gemination as morpheme strengthening addresses locality problem in Hungarian Makes testable predictions –Cross-linguistic patterns of morpheme combinations –Cross-linguistic patterns of preference for T over S –Gemination as a degree of lengthening

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