Presentation on theme: "Easterlin’s Paradox and the Macroeconomics of Happiness"— Presentation transcript:
1Easterlin’s Paradox and the Macroeconomics of Happiness Andrew OswaldWarwick and IZAI would like to acknowledge that much of this work is jointwith coauthors Andrew Clark, Nick Powdthavee,David G. Blanchflower, and Steve Wu.
3This is an empirical question "Does Economic Growth Improve the Human Lot?" Richard Easterlinin Paul A. David and Melvin W. Reder, eds., Nations and Households in Economic Growth: Essays in Honor of Moses Abramovitz, New York: Academic Press, Inc., 1974.
7The macroeconomics of happiness Countries are happier if they have low unemployment and inflation, and generous welfare benefits.
8The macroeconomics of happiness Countries are happier if they have low unemployment and inflation, and generous welfare benefits.‘Fear’ depresses happiness.R. Di Tella, R. Macculloch, A.J. Oswald American Economic Review, 2001.
9In a recessionthere is a widespread decline in mental well-being, we think because of the generalized insecurity.
10In the early 70s, 33% of Americans described their lives as very happy, 52% as pretty happy, and 15% as not too happy.
11In the early 70s, 33% of Americans described their lives as very happy, 52% as pretty happy, and 15% as not too happy.By the late 2000s, the numbers were 31%, 55%, 14%.
12A few years agoEconomists started thinking harder about all this.
14The Stiglitz Commission Report advocates a shift of emphasis from a “production-oriented” measurement system … toward broader measures of social progress.
15“Emphasis on growth is misguided” “Beyond GDP”“Measuring what matters”
16Happiness is the new GDP Smile, and the economy smiles with you. Factory workers in Macedonia.
17Stiglitz et al:Official statistics should blend objective and subjective well-being dataRecommendation 10: Measures of both objective and subjective well-being provide key information about people’s quality of life. Statistical offices should incorporate questions to capture people’s life evaluations, hedonic experiences and priorities in their own survey.
18Are there any questions people would like to ask?
19We are constrained by human nature: Easterlin argued: u = u(y, others’ y)
20But is it right to believe that humans are deeply concerned with relative position?
21It has been found thatRelative-income variables show up consistently in well-being equations.Blanchflower-Oswald, Journal of Public Economics 2004Luttmer, Quarterly Journal of Economics 2005GDA Brown et al, Industrial Relations 2008
23PossibilitiesPeer group/people like meOthers in the same householdSpouse/partnerMyself in the pastFriendsNeighboursWork colleagues“Expectations”
24Clark and Oswald (JPubEcon 1996). BHPS Data on 5000 Employees Log income (y)(0.039) (0.050) (0.04)Log comparison income (y*)(0.062)Log NES comparison income (y**)(0.073)“Comparison Income” predicted from a Mincer Earnings equation (note: requires exclusion restrictions to avoid multicollinearity);“NES comparison income” matched in from another data set by hours of work, and thus avoids identification problems (but assumes reference group defined by hours of work).
25From Andrew Clark’s work: Wave 3 of the European Social Survey (22 countries).
26In the Netherlands and in Switzerland, people seem to do less comparing-against-others.
30Clark and colleagues use new geo-referenced data, based on a geographical grid of size 100*100 meters (i.e square meters, or a hectare) covering the entire country.Economic Journal, 2009.
31Some of these grid cells are uninhabited, others are only very thinly inhabited: around two-thirds of inhabited hectare cells contain under five households.Data confidentiality: Statistics Denmark aggregates to produce clusters of neighbouring hectare cells with a minimum of 150 (600) households.ContiguousHomogenous in terms of type and ownership of housing (don’t mix flats and houses).
32Figure 1Small neighbourhoods in the area of Taastrupgård, Høje TåstrupSource: Damm and Schultz-Nielsen (2008).
33Economic Satisfaction, Income and Rank within Small Neighbourhoods: Panel Results
34People like having a rich neighbourhood…and being on top of the ‘rank’ pile.
40Suicide dropped in NY after 9-11 “Effect of 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the USA on suicide in areas surrounding the crash sites” Cynthia Claassen et al BRITISH JOURNAL OF PSYCHIATRY, May Results: Around the World Trade Center, post-attack 180-day suicide rates dropped significantly (t=2.4, P=0.0046).
41Overall, in humans‘Relativity’ effects seem strong – and not just in incomes.
43So what?Why might it matter to social scientists if utility depends on relative things?
44Some results from:Easterlin, R. A. (2005). “Diminishing Marginal Utility of Income? Caveat Emptor”. Social Indicators Research. pp
45This is of interest to us today –it deals with the case of Japan. Japan was a poor country in the 1950s/early 1960s, but then experienced unprecedented growth.
46Fact 1. Richer countries are happier countries. The blue lines show the estimated relationship between income and happinessJapanJapan was in the middle of the income distribution in the early 1960s, and had a middling level of happiness
48Look at annual indices (1962=100) of life satisfaction and real GNP per capita for Japan, 1958-1987.
49Between 1962 and 1987 Japan experienced unprecedented economic growth, with GNP per capita (in real terms)rising 3.5-fold: growing from 22 to 77 percent of the United States level in 1962We might then imagine that Japan would follow the blue lines above: as Japan became richer, it would become happier.
50In fact, happiness remained constant despite Japan’s remarkable growth What “should” have happenedWhat did happen
51The road to nowhere?Growth in income is now not correlated with growth in happinessThis is the “Easterlin paradox”
52Average Happiness and Real GDP per Capita for Repeated Cross-sections of Americans.
53FIGURE 1: Happiness and Real Income Per Capita in the US, 1973-2004
55There is also evidence, perhaps not known to many economists, of worsening mental health through time in some countries.
56Average GHQ Psychological Distress Levels Over Time in Britain: BHPS, 1991-2004
57Equivalent results have been found for adults in the Netherlands, UK and Belgium.
58Worsening GHQ levels through time Verhaak, P.F.M., Hoeymans, N. and Westert, G.P. (2005). “Mental health in the Dutch population and in general practice: ”, British Journal of General Practice.Wauterickx, N. and P. Bracke (2005), “Unipolar depression in the Belgian population - Trends and sex differences in an eight-wave sample”, Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology.Sacker, A. and Wiggins, R.D. (2002). “Age-period-cohort effects on inequalities in psychological distress”. Psychological Medicine.
59Work by Francis Green, Keith Whitfield, et al. Might this have something to do with work getting more stressful?[Yes]Work by Francis Green, Keith Whitfield, et al.
60Proportion of High-Strain Jobs A high-strain job is defined as having high required effort and low task discretion. It is important for well-being and health, according to the Karasek demand-control model.The definition of low discretion is “at or below median”. High required effort is defined to be those who “strongly agree” that their job requires them to work very hard.With this definition, the proportion of high strain jobs rose in this period from a small beginning, roughly 1 in 11 jobs in 1992, to approximately 1 in 6 jobs (men) and 1 in 5 jobs (women) by After 2001 the proportion of ‘high-strain jobs’ remained stable for men but for women it rose still further to encompass a quarter of jobs.A remarkably similar growth pattern is found in Sweden, with the rise of high-strain jobs being more persistent for women than for men (Wikman, 2005). It is also interesting to note the findings of Gorman and Kmec (2007), that both in the US and in the UK women’s work effort is greater than men’s, which, they argue, reflects stricter performance standards for women.Green (2008) Work Effort and Worker Well-Being in the Age of AffluenceSource: Skills Survey series60
70Their work is extremely valuable But ultimately I think they probably have the wrong answer.Much of their paper is concerned with cross-section patterns.In the long time-differences, which is the appropriate test, little is statistically significant in European data.
71Another key difficulty is that we know movements in the rate of unemployment -- omitted from their regression equations -- affect mental well-being.Di Tella, MacCulloch, Oswald AER 2001
72Moreover, Stevenson and Wolfers agree that Americans have if anything become less happy over the last 40 years.
73OverallI would say that currently the balance of the evidence favours Easterlin rather than Stevenson-Wolfers.[though it is bad science for us ever to close our minds, so we must watch for new evidence as it accumulates]
74There is considerable evidence: (i) In the rich countries, happiness is running flat or declining(ii) Levels of GHQ mental-strain are rising.
75These (uncomfortable) facts raise fundamental intellectual and policy questions for our generation and beyond.
76Easterlin’s Paradox and the Macroeconomics of Happiness Andrew OswaldResearch site:I would like to acknowledge that much of this work is jointwith coauthors Andrew Clark, Nick Powdthavee,David G. Blanchflower, and Steve Wu.