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KEN COLE April 17 2012 A PRESENTATION TO THE CONFERENCE: CUBA IN THE 21 ST CENTURY.

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Presentation on theme: "KEN COLE April 17 2012 A PRESENTATION TO THE CONFERENCE: CUBA IN THE 21 ST CENTURY."— Presentation transcript:

1 KEN COLE April 17 2012 A PRESENTATION TO THE CONFERENCE: CUBA IN THE 21 ST CENTURY

2 “We all have our convictions … [and we] can all influence each other. In the long run we shall all reach similar conclusions. My deepest convictions [are]: the incredible and unprecedented globalization … is a product of historical evolution … Is it a reversible process? … No … Is it sustainable? No. Will it subsist for long? Absolutely not … Will it last decades? Yes, only decades… How will such a transition take place? We do not know … Will it be through deep and catastrophic crises? Unfortunately, this is most likely, almost inevitable and it will happen through many different ways and forms of struggle… Who will be the builders of the new world? The men and women that inhabit our planet. What will be their basic weapon? Ideas will be, and consciousness. Who will sow them, cultivate them and make them invincible? You will. Is it a utopia, just one more dream among so many others? … As the most visionary of the sons and daughters of this island [José Martí] said: ‘Today’s dreams are tomorrow’s realities.” Fidel Castro 1999: 63. 1

3 There is a political and conceptual distinction to be made between… …PROGRESS …DEVELOPMENT 2 An evolutionary process by which human potentials advance within epochs A process of struggle to control and distribute the social surplus All creatures have to adapt to the exigent conditions of their material subsistence Ultimately, the conditioning circumstances of individuals’ experience in particular, and social existence in general, are the social relations of production “[W]e must begin by stating the first premise of all human existence and, therefore, of all history, the premise, namely, that men must be in a position to live in order to be able to “make history”. But life involves before everything else eating and drinking, a habitation, clothing and many other things. The first historical act is thus the production of the means to satisfy these needs, the production of material life itself … [is the] fundamental condition of all history.” Marx 1977: 480. To page 3 Human beings “make history”, within a social division of labour, the relations of which condition the “production of material life itself” (and, necessarily, the mode of exchange of commodities between consumers and producers) To page 5 Individuals’ potentials are socially contingent Social intelligence, individual reasoning and human motivation, empathetically adapt to the cooperative exigencies of a deepening division of labour. To page 3

4 Advancing the ‘…capacity to connect to and understand each other…’ (De Wall 2009b: 225, emphasis added) towards the ideal of all people, empathetically interacting with each other. “[I]n communist society … nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he wishes … [O]nly with the universal development of the productive force [division of labour] is [such] a universal intercourse [relations] between men established … [C]ommunism can only have a “world-historical” existence.” Marx & Engels 1977: 54, and 56, emphasis in original. From page 2 Human potentials develop with the evolution of society “We are what we are because of enculturation, plain and simple. This is not true of any other species.” Donald 2001: 151 3 Since the Neolithic Revolution (circa 8000-4000 B.C.), when agriculture was first introduced (leading to settled, rather than nomadic life styles and social surpluses could be stored, saved and invested), social organization has been based on the control of surplus production “[T]he whole history of mankind (since the dissolution of primitive tribal society, holding land in common ownership) has been a history of class struggles, contests between exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressed … [T]he history of these class struggles forms a series of evolutions … a proposition which is destined to do for history what Darwin’s theory has done for biology…” Frederick Engels’ 1888 Preface to the English edition of the Communist Manifesto, in, Marx and Engels 1985: 62 and 63, emphasis added. The social relations of production have evolved through distinct epochs To page 4 From page 2

5 In this epic… “The Babylonian empire [circa 2000 BC] deserves a special place in … history … for it was there that the ‘emergence of the individual in a literate society … occurs for the first time’.” Rifkin 2009 [quoting Logan 1986]:194. Since the Babylonian empire, particular forms of oppression and exploitation, have been intrinsic to: conquest and slavery, land and serfdom, and capital and wage labour; as distinct modes of production. “The [written] history of all hitherto society is the history of class struggles … Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now in open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.” Marx and Engels 1985: 79. From page 3 4 The Roman Empire [44B.C. to 4 th Century A.D.] was a story… “…of latifundia and death squads, masters and slave, patriarchs and subordinated women … plundered provinces … a struggle between the plutocratic few and the indigent many … featuring corrupt politicians, money-driven elections, and the political assassination of popular leaders … I leave it to the reader to decide whether any of this might resonate with the temper of our own times.” Parenti 2003: 11 The “temper of our own times” reverberates to the social relation of commodity production (with the accumulation of capital effected through market exchange and the realization of surplus value as profits, interest and rent) – see, Cole forthcoming: Chapter 5 To page 5

6 From page 4 In contemporary, capitalist, times… “…callous cash payment … has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has … set up that single unconscionable freedom – Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.” Marx and Engels 1985: 82, emphasis added. By the 21 st century, the division of labour (the conditioning circumstance of human life) developed into global relations of “callous cash payment”, and “that single unconscionable freedom – Free Trade” had evolved into the “naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation” of unregulated, international, financial, capitalism―globalization 5 The evolution of the capitalist epoch has been impelled by the persistent tendency for the Rate of Profit to Fall, and development initiatives continually re-structure society to augment profitability, increasing the production of surplus value (and revenues of profit, rent, and interest) to restore capital accumulation (See Cole forthcoming: Chapter 5) This tendency, is… “…in every respect the most important law of modern political economy … It is the most important law from the historical [evolutionary] standpoint. It is a law which despite its simplicity, has never before been grasped and, even less, consciously articulated.” Marx 1977: 748, emphasis added. With competitive exchange, there is an emergent… “…incompatibility between the productive development of society and its hitherto existing relations of production…” which is expressed “… in bitter contradictions, crises, spasms … [and] these regularly returning catastrophes lead to their repetition on a higher scale…’ Marx 1977: 749 and 750, emphasis added. To page 6 From page 2

7 From page 5 6 “At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society [the division of labour] come into conflict with the existing relations of production [commodity relations] … From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an [evolutionary] era of social revolution.” Marx 1976: 212, emphasis added In the 21 st century the “contradictions, crises and spasms” of globalized capitalism have assumed the guise of global economic crises, financial speculation, national debt, unemployment, impoverishment and widening inequality, fiscal austerity and limited social provision of services, the increasing irrelevance of representative democracy in the determination of economic and social policy, etc… The contradictions of globalized capitalism came to a head in Latin America in 1982 The “debt crisis” ensued when Mexico's Finance Minister, Jesus Silva-Herzog, declared that foreign debt obligations could no longer be honored In response, commercial banks reduced or halted new lending in Latin America and refused to refinance billions of dollars of short-term loans. And in the last two decades of the twentieth century, every Latin American economy with the exception of Cuba has been “structurally adjusted” by the World Bank and the IMF to preserve the financial integrity of global finance (euphemistically justified as “debt relief”) To page 7

8 From page 6 7 “…[plunging] Latin America [in the 1980s] into its deepest crisis this [twentieth] century … Deregulated economies … synonymous with unprecedented social polarization, … plummeting living standards … and multi-billion dollar fortunes … [led to the] massive pillage of the economy (by foreign and local investors and bankers) and the state (by elected politicians and non-elected officials).” Petras and Morely 1992: 7. The 1980s became a “lost decade”: average per capita income in Latin America declined by 0.9% per annum in the 1980s and by 1.5% in the 1990s (Robinson 2008): and between 1983 and 1992 the overall number of people living in poverty increased from 78 to 150 million (Korzeniewicz and Smith 2000) Denied any semblance of democratic control over their lives by the machinations of political institutions adapting national economic activity and local enterprise to accommodate the rapacious needs of international capital, people organized themselves into social movements to defend against the (local) effects of (global) economic exploitation “From the early 1990s … social movements of very different backgrounds have been at the forefront of social protest, at the local as well as at the national and supranational level... there have been impressive mobilizations and campaigns that cannot be considered as isolated activities.” Biekart 2005. Social movements structure political dissent around opposition to free-trade agreements, privatization of public services, political corruption, and struggle to protect indigenous rights, land entitlements, employment, and the like To page 8

9 8 From page 7 There has been a Pink Tide in Latin American politics December 1998 Hugo Chávez was elected President of Venezuela: August 1999 Bharrat Jagdeo, of the People's Progressive Party, was elected President of Guyana: October 2002, Luiz Ignácio Lula da Silva, of the Workers' Party, was elected President of Brazil, reelected in October 2006, to be succeeded on January 1 2011 by Dilma Rousseff (also of the Workers Party): in May 2003 Néstor Carlos Kirchner, of the Frente para la Victoria [FPV ] (Front for Victory), was sworn in as President of Argentina and in October 2007, Cristina Fernández Kirchner succeeded him, and was reelected on October 23 2011: October 2004 in Uruguay, Tabaré Ramón Vázquez Rosas, of the Frente Amplio (Broad Front) coalition, was elected President and in elections of 29th November 2009 he was succeeded by José Mujica, ex- Tupamaro National Liberation Front guerrilla and activist of the 1970s and 80s: January 2006, Evo Morales of the Movimiento al Socialismo [MAS] (Movement for Socialism), was elected President of Bolivia, and was re-elected on December 7 2009 for the period 2010-2015: March 2006, Verónica Michelle Bachelet Jeria, of the Socialist Party, was elected the first female President of Chile; in April 2006, Ollanta Humala, of the Peruvian Nationalist Party, came within 5% of being elected President, although he subsequently gained an undisputed victory in the Presidential elections of June 6 2011; in July 2006, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, of the Party of Democratic Revolution, lost the election for President of Mexico by less than 1% in a disputed contest; in November 2006 José Daniel Ortega Savedra, of the Sandinista National Liberation Front, regained the Presidency of Nicaragua; in November 2006, in Ecuador, Rafael Vicente Correa Delgado who founded the Alianza PAIS-Patria Altiva i Soberana (Proud and Sovereign Fatherland Alliance) was elected President and reelected in April 2009: in September 2007 Alvaró Colom, leader of the Unidad Nacional de la Esperanza [UNE] (National Union of Hope) became Guatemala’s first left-leaning president in fifty three years: April 2008 Fernando Lugo, a Roman Catholic bishop, of the Christian Democratic Party, a party integrated into a coalition of more than a dozen opposition parties and social movements, known as the Patriotic Alliance for Change, was elected President of Paraguay: March 2009, Mauricio Funes of the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front, a movement which fought a 12 year guerrilla war up until the early 1990s, won the presidential elections in El Salvador. To page 9 However, social change necessitates institutional organization orientated to the emergence of an alternative social environment In this regard, since the final years of the twentieth century, there has been an ideological sea change: there is an evolving social consciousness amongst los humildes [the disadvantaged masses] (See Dominguez 2009)

10 In all of these instances, debates about the role of the state in development―which hitherto had been marginalized in the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism―moved to centre stage. “The Latins are defying the American Empire” Perkins 2007: 79 This political “Pink Tide”, albeit with different emphases and in distinct contexts, addressed development strategies and social policies which were intended to advance workers' rights, and there was a commitment to poverty alleviation and social reforms 9 From page 8 This is what an “era of social revolution” feels like: it is a transformation of the human mind; individuals’ come to be aware that their experience is conditioned by the social relations of production: i.e. the class struggle for profits, interest and rent People’s feelings of the injustice of experience, become knowledge of the exploitation of existence This is the process of praxis With social organization such knowledge becomes the basis for revolutionary, political, change + To page 10

11 From page 9 In Latin America for instance: La Organización de Estados Centroamericanos [ODECA] (Organisation of Central American States) (1951), becoming La Sistema de la Integración Centroamericana [SICA] (Central American Integration System) (1991); the Latin American Free Trade Association [LAFTA] (1960); Central American Common Market [CACM] (1961); Caribbean Free Trade Zone (1968), which later evolved into the Caribbean Community and Common Market [CARICOM] (1973); the Cartagena Agreement launched the Andean Group (1969), becoming the Comunidad Andina de Naciones [CAN] (Community of Andean Nations) (1996); La Asociación Latinoamericana de Integración [ALADI] (Latin American Integration Association) (1980); Mercado Común del Sur [MERCOSUR] (Southern Common Market) (1985); Grupo de Rio (Rio Group) (1986); El Sistema de Integración Central Americana [SICA] (Central American Integration System) (1991); Plan Puebla Panamá [PPP] (Puebla-Panama Plan) (2001); La Unión de Naciones Suramericanas [UNASUR] (Union of South American Nations) (2007); and most recently, (2011) La Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y del Caribe (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States) [CELAC]. “… more and more [people are] enslaved under a power alien to them … a power which has become more and more enormous and, in the last instance turns out to be the world market.’ Marx and Engels 1977: 55, emphasis in original Regionally, capitalists organize themselves to protect and further their (local) elite interests as the globalized “world market” comes under the control of a international, capitalist, ruling class (which has reached its apogee in the era of financial globalization) To page 11 “[I]ncessant revolutions in the methods of production … and [the] need to expand … [the] scale of production … merely as a means of self- preservation … simultaneously… [leads to a] concentration of capital … [the] employment of capitals on a larger scale … [and] its centralization, i.e., the swallowing up of the small capitalists by the big…” Marx 1972b: 244, 245 and 246, emphasis added. The competitive dynamic of capital accumulation impels the division of labour to expand and deepen 10

12 As the world market developed in the Americas since Iberian mercantilist excursions of the 17 th century (see Galeano 2009), and the global hegemony of international finance capital was consolidated, when, in August 1971, US President Regan unilaterally repudiated the Bretton Woods international trading regime, established in 1944, initiatives in regional organization have become more inclusive In the globalized world of the 21 st century there are three comprehensive regional initiatives to advance and protect Latin American interests (albeit that these hemispheric, elemental, concerns are variously defined) La Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y del Caribe [CELAC] (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States), established February 23 2011 CELAC is inclusive of every state in the Americas except: USA, Canada; Caicos, Turks, Montserrat, Virgin Islands, Leeward Islands; Puerto Rico, St. Croix; Guadeloupe, Martinique, French Guyana (the last three groups of nations, still colonial territories, are respectively administered by the British, United States and French governments). From page 10 11 The concern is to reinforce national sovereignty and domestic political and legal, institutions, in the light of continued, regional, deprecation of the rule of international law by successive US governments. In spite of US President Barrack Obama’s promise to set a new tone of respect and work towards a “…peaceful, prosperous, and democratic hemisphere…” (FPF 2009), with the US being a “…friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity…” (NYT 2009) US inexpiable, political actions under Barrak Obama,s presidency, in Nicaragua, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Haiti and Honduras, and a renewed capacity to “execute expedient warfare” (from military bases in Colombia) throughout the Americas, suggests that United States’, regional, imperialist ambitions, remain unabated La Unión de Naciones Suramericanas [UNASUR ] (Union of South American Nations); La Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América [ALBA] (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America). To page 12 To page 14

13 UNASUR combines two trading blocs: the MERCOSUR [1985] (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Colombia); and the Andean Community [1996] (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru); additionally including Chile, Guyana, Surinam and Venezuela UNASUR is a pact modeled on the European Union and is an initiative in economic integration (the Constitutive Treaty being signed in Brasilia, May 23 2008) From page 11 The intention is to adapt existing institutions of regional integration, to the remorseless, implacable, inclusivity, of international competitive markets in the age of globalization. The problem is perceived to be the management of globalization to expiate United States “unfair” economic exploitation, and is not as issue of capitalist globalization per se 12 Such a sentiment had already been voiced in 2005, at the fourth summit of MECOSUR in Mar del Plata (Argentina). To page 13 Nestor Kirchner, the then president of Argentina, pin-pointed the source of maladministration in the Americas precisely: “[T]he United States has the inescapable and inexcusable responsibility for poverty and social tragedy in Latin America.” (Wallerstein 2005, author’s translation).

14 13 From page 12 It was afirmed that the region had to be politically strengthened, not “turning our backs on the world, or on globalization, but simply seeing the world from where we live, with our own [national] formulas, projects and programs” (Kirchener), because, “none of our countries will really be prosperous, without all of us being also prosperous” (Lula) (see, INSIDECOSTARICA 2010). An analysis corroborated at the November 26 2010 South American Summit (of UNASUR) by Argentine Presidenta Cristina Fernandez de Kirchener, and Brazilian President Lula da Silva Optimistically, the institution of UNASUR may temporarily assuage the “contradictions, crises, spasms which regularly return to capitalist economies, each time repeated on a higher scale”, although, at the cost of invoking “many different ways and forms of struggle”, of which Fidel Castro warned in the opening quote to this presentation “Far from showing greater benevolence, than European or United States firms, towards their regional competitors, Brazilian enterprises create great tension in the region. Brazilian elites do not see the economic tensions within Latin America and so not set limits on the activity of their companies.” Mathias 2008, author’s translation. See also the Economist 2009, and Katz 2010. Already within MERCOSUR there had been competitive conflicts between Argentina and Brazil, and in the ambit of UNASUR, Brazil is generally seen of usurping the imperialist role of the United States to the disadvantage of, and exploiting, weaker, less competitive nations in the region

15 From page 11 14 The word “alba” translates as “dawn of the day” (Velázquez Spanish and English Dictionary) The primary areas of activity are the… “…promotion and development of a peaceful democratic culture focusing on integration in Latin America and the Caribbean, through exchanges of ideas and implementation of social, economic, and cultural development projects; eradication of extreme poverty; education; combating corruption; employment generation; and elimination of discrimination for reasons of gender or race.” Carmen Jacqueline Giménez Tellería, President of the ALBA Governing Council. Tellería, 2006, emphasis added. The institution of ALBA focuses on regionally addressing domestic, communal needs and social opportunities as the dawning of an alternative future for Latin America On December 14 2004, in Havana, the first declaration and agreement made under the framework of ALBA was signed between Cuba and Venezuela ALBA, originally conceived as La Alternativa Bolivariana para las Americas y el Caribeño (the Bolivarian Alternative for Latin America and the Caribbean), was first voiced after the first meeting between (the soon to become President of Venezuela) Hugo Chávez, and Fidel Castro, in December 1994, in Havana (see, Elizalde and Báez 2005) To page 15

16 From page 14 Subsequently: Bolivia joined April 29 2006; Nicaragua January 11 2007; Dominica January 26 2008; Honduras August 26 2008 (although after the coup of June 28 2009 which deposed democratically elected President Manual Zelaya, the United States backed right-wing regime of Roberto Micheletti withdrew from ALBA); and St Vincent and the Grenadines, Ecuador, and Antigua and Barbuda June 24 2009. 15 At the IVth Extraordinary Summit in June 2009, convened to receive St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Ecuador, and Antigua and Barbuda, into the ALBA fold, the name was altered to the Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America Reflecting that this process of unification was no longer a political ambition but “…a geopolitical, regional, platform of economic power … embracing eighty million people, with an annual product of six hundred million dollars and reserves of gas, petroleum, water and fertile land…’ (Chávez 2009). There is not space here to fully describe and explain the progressive initiatives of the conception and institution of ALBA, but see Cole 2010b, and 2011, and forthcoming, Chapters 2 and 7. To page 16

17 Historically, the capitalist mode of production is developed by ruling elites to exploit the masses to the full extent possible (offsetting the Tendency for the Rate of Profit to Fall), and eventually, as the injustice of social existence becomes intolerable there begins an era of revolution: as with the decline of the Roman Empire (and slavery as mode of production) from the 4 th century; the demise of feudalism in Europe from the 12 th century; and the demise of capitalism from the mid- 20 th century In Latin America, development initiatives within CELAC and UNASUR, as an expression of capitalist hegemonic power, will, as the “Tendency for the Rate of Profit to Fall” increasingly takes regional effect, become economically critical, socially exclusive, politically exhausted, and ultimately morally bankrupt 16 The humildes of the Americas, at first as individuals, and later organized within social movements, will struggle to oppose the local injustice of global exploitation From page 15 As disaffected people search for meaning to their (globalized) existence, and, find a voice and presence in political parties, at first nationally and later regionally by uniting within something like ALBA, an era of revolution will be in train. To page 17

18 Socialist development, and the ALBA initiative of regional unification, is an interminable, epochal, mode of transition, towards the qualitatively distinct and progressive concatenation of social relations which is communism. “Revolutions are unique moments in which the forgotten, the oppressed and the humiliated―those who make the world with their hands, bodies and minds―rise up and suspend the time of contempt to inaugurate a new time; moments, unforgettable whether long or short, of revelation of their own being, their own intelligence, and their own inheritance, which is that of all human beings.” Hylton and Thomson 2007: xviii. “What we have to deal with here is a communist society, not as it has developed on its own foundations, but, on the contrary, just as it emerges from capitalist society; which is thus in every respect, economically, morally and intellectually, still stamped with the birth marks of the old society from whose womb it emerges.” Karl Marx (1972a), emphasis added, quoted Guevara 1964: 186. “[Revolution] is a sense of history … it is being treated and treating others like human beings … achieving emancipation by ourselves and through our own efforts … it is a profound conviction that no power in the world can crush the power of truth and ideas…” Castro 2000, emphasis added. 17 From page 16

19 References Biekart, K. 2005. “Seven Theses of Latin American Social Movements and political change: a tribute to André Gunder Frank (1929-2005)”.The European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, October. At tni.org/detail_ page.phtml?act_id=1329&username=guest@tni.org&password=9999&publish=Y Castro, F. 1999. A Revolution can Only be Born from Culture and Ideas. London: The Cuban Embassy. Castro, F. 2000. Speech given at the May Day Rally in Revolution Square on May 1. At ratb.org.uk/html/batalla.html Chávez H. 2009. “Press conference at the IVth Extraordinary Summit of ALBA”. At.<vtv.gob.ve/noticias-nacionales/19957 Cole, K. 2008. “Alba: A Process of Concientization”. In International Journal of Cuban Studies 2. Cole, K. 2010a. “Jazz in the Time of Globalization: The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America. In Third World Quarterly 31(2) March Cole, K. 2010b. “The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America Part 1: Knowledge is what Counts”. In International Journal of Cuban Studies 2(3 and 4) Autumn/Winter. Cole, K. 2011. “The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America Part 2: The Imperative of Endogenous Development”. In International Journal of Cuban Studies 3(1) Spring. Cole, K. Forthcoming. Progress and Development in Latin America in the Twenty-first Century: Towards a Communion of Kindred Spirits. De Wall, F. 2009. The Age of Empathy: nature’s lessons for a kinder society. New York: Harmony Books. Dominguez, F. 2009. “The Latin Americanization of the Politics of Emancipation”. In G.Lievesley and S.Ludlam (eds.), Reclaiming Latin America: experiments in radical social democracy, London, Zed. Donald, M. 2001., A Mind So Rare: the evolution of human consciousness. New York: Norton. Economist. 2009. “Special report on business and finance in Brazil”. Economist November 14. Elizalde, R.M. and Báez. L. 2005. EL Encuentro. La Habana: Oficinia de Publicaciones del Consejo de Estado. FPF. 2009. “Obama: Improve Relations with Latin America”. In Foreign Policy in Focus, February 11. At <fpif.org/fpiftxt/5863 Galeano, E. 2009. Open Veins of Latin America. London: Serpent’s Tail. Guevara, E. 1964. “On the Budgetary Finance System”. In D. Deutschmann (ed). Ché Guevara Reader. 2003. Melbourne: Ocean Press. Hylton, F. and Thomson, S. 2007. Revolutionary Horizons: past and present in Bolivian politics. London: Verso. INSIDECOSTARICA. 2010. “Brazilian President Advocates for Regional Unity”. In INSIDECOSTARICA (Costa Rica’s Daily English News Source) November 27. At insidecostarica.com/dailynews/2010/november/27/ latinamerica10112704.htm Korzeniewicz, R.P. and Smith, W. 2000. “Poverty, Inequality, and Growth in Latin America: searching for the high road to globalization”. Latin American Research Review, 35(3). Marx, K. 1972. Critique of the Gotha Programme. Peking: Foreign Languages Press. Marx, K. 1976. A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Lawrence and Wishart, London. Marx, K. 1977. The Grundisse. London: Penguin. Marx, K. & Engels, F. 1977. The German Ideology: Part 1. London: Lawrence and Wishart. Marx, K. and Engels, F. 1985. The Communist Manifesto. London: Penguin. Mathias, L. 2008. “La expansión del subimperialismo brasileño”. Patria Grande: La Revista Digital del ALBA (Venezuela) 9, December. At. NYT. 2009. “Barack Obama’s Inaugural Address”. In New York Times, January 20. At, <nytimes.com/2009/01/20/us/politics/20text-obama.html?pagewanted =1&_r=1 Parenti, M. 2003. The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A People’s History of Ancient Rome. New York: New Press. Perkins, J. 2004. Confessions of an Economic Hit Man. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler. Petras, J. and Morley, M. 1992. Latin America in the Time of Cholera. London: Routledge. Rifkin, J. 2009. The Empathetic Civilization. Cambridge: Polity. Robinson, W. 2008. “Transformative Possibilities in Latin America”. In, L. Panitch, and C. Leys (eds.). Socialist Register 2008. London: Merlin. Tellería, C.J.G. 2006. SUMMARY OF INFORMATION CONCERNING ALTERNATIVA BOLIVARIANA PARA LAS AMERICAS. Document prepared for the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States. At Wallerstein, E. 2005. “Estados Unidos versus América Latina”. In La Jornada (Mexico), November 22. At. 18


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