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Tobias Scheer & Guylaine Brun-Trigaud Université de Nice – Sophia Antipolis, UMR 6039 Lenition of branching Onsets: Celtic, Gorgia Toscana, Gallo-Romance.

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Presentation on theme: "Tobias Scheer & Guylaine Brun-Trigaud Université de Nice – Sophia Antipolis, UMR 6039 Lenition of branching Onsets: Celtic, Gorgia Toscana, Gallo-Romance."— Presentation transcript:

1 Tobias Scheer & Guylaine Brun-Trigaud Université de Nice – Sophia Antipolis, UMR 6039 Lenition of branching Onsets: Celtic, Gorgia Toscana, Gallo-Romance (dialectal evidence from the ALF) Going Romance 24 Leiden, 9-11 December 2010

2 The Strong Position in Phonology the Strong Position (in Romance and elsewhere, Ségéral & Scheer 2001, 2008) - {#,C}__ = Strong Position: PORTA > porte TALPA > taupe - V__V = weak position A: FABA > fève - __{#,C} = weak position B (Coda): LUP(U) > l[u] RUPTA > route the mirror effect: {#,C}__ vs. __{#,C} are symmetric - with respect to their position: mirror image - with respect to their effect: strength vs. weakness

3 relevant consonants: the word-initial consonant the consonant that occurs after a coda the initial CV = # represents the morphological information « beginning of the word » analysis in CVCV (Lowenstamm 1996, Scheer 2004) The Coda Mirror: Government & Licensing initial consonant #__post-Coda consonant C.__ CV-CV……VCVCV… |||||| CVVRTV # Gvt Government inhibits the segmental expression of its target empty nuclei must be governed Lic Licensing promotes the segmental expression of its target P O RTA T A L P A consonants in Strong Position occur after an empty nucleus ø __ consonants in Strong Position are licensed but ungoverned

4 The Coda Mirror: Government & Licensing intervocalic position V__V CVCV ||| VCV Gvt Lic F A B A internal coda __.Cfinal coda __# …VCVCV...VCV # |||||| VRTVVC R U P T A L U P (U) intervocalic V__V: the consonant is not adjacent to any empty nucleus licencensed and governed in coda position: the consonant occurs before an empty nucleus: __ø is neither licensed nor governed Lic Gvt Lic Gvt

5 summary Strong Position= {#,C}__= ø__ = strength = ungoverned but licensed Coda= __{#,C}= __ ø = weak A= ungoverned and unlicensed intervocalic= V__V= V__V= weak B= governed and licensed The Coda Mirror: Government & Licensing

6 CVCVC V ||| | CTR V worse than making a wrong prediction: Gvt Lic branching onset <== IG the liquid R: licensed, but ungoverned ==> strong position making NO prediction at all branching onsets in CVCV what a branching Onset looks like (after a consonant) the solidarity of the cluster is due to a relationship that is contracted by the (melodies of) the two consonants: IG (Infrasegmental Government) the obstruent T: target of neither Gvt nor Lic ==> ??

7 Locality in Syntax Relativized Minimality, Rizzi (1990) given two classes of items A and B, a relation between A 1 et A 2 is local iff no other A intervenes

8 Locality in Syntax three major classes of items in syntax: - verbs (heads) - arguments (A position) - quantifiers (A position) Could i John __ i have come ? head argument head John could have come argument head John could have come Have i John could __ i come ? head *

9 CVCVC V ||| | CTR V a branching onset is a non-local structure: - major classes of items in phonology are: onset and nucleus - an internuclear relation exists whereby a third nucleus intervenes. Gvt Lic branching onset <== IG A M P L U S Locality in Syntax

10 The trouble: summary 1.no prediction made 2. violation of locality

11 CVCVC V ||| | CTR V Gvt Lic branching onset <== IG the intervening nucleus is the source of government Gvt instead of having a non-local government relation The cure: making branching onsets local it is entitled to govern because it is not itself governed: it is unpronounced for a different reason (IG) consequence: the definition of what a good governor is owes nothing to phonetics before: only nuclei with phonetic content can govern now: a nucleus can govern iff it is not governed itself

12 CVC VC V ||| | CTR V Lic TR in Strong Position <== in case the TR is in intervocalic position, the T will also be in intervocalic position (licensed and governed) when the TR is preceded by an empty nucleus (Strong Position), the T will also be in Strong Position (licensed but ungoverned) Gvt CVC VC V |||| | CVTR V TR in intervocalic positon <== Lic Gvt local branching onsets: predictions

13 in other words: given a branching onset TR, T behaves like if R were not there hence the following prediction: the T of a TR group behaves exactly like a simplex T -if the TR group is in Strong Position, T will be strong -if the TR group is in intervocalic position, T will be intervocalic local branching onsets: predictions

14 testing the prediction typologically speaking, branching onsets are rare even rarer are languages that allow to test the reaction of TRs on lenition we examine 4 cases: - Celtic (in its prehistory) - Gorgia Toscana - French diachrony - Gallo-Romance dialects as witnessed by the ALF (Atlas Linguistique de la France) ==> the empirical situation is largely unexplored

15 test case 1: Celtic the classical scenario assumes 3 stages (e.g. McCone 1996) stage 1: IE b,d,g > v,,ɣ / V__V et V__RV 1.V__V IEProto-CelticOld Irishglose bkladibos*kla ivoskla i əvépée dkladibos*kla ivoskla i əvépée gtegos*teɣost i eɣmaison 2. V__RV bdubro-*duvro-dovəreau dwidwa:*wi wa:f i e vveuve gwegros*weɣrosfe:rherbe 3. but resistance in Strong Position {#,C}__ and in gemination N__*windosf i indblanc #__, gém*buggosbogmou

16 test case 1: Celtic stage 2: as stage 1, but now also across word boundaries 1.V__V Insular Celtic Proto-IrishOld Irishglose t*ehja teɣah*eja eɣaə i eɣsa maison k*inda: kloka:*inda: lo a:iŋ lo la pierre 2. V__RV t*bre:tra:*bre: rəbr i ia ərmot k*dakra*dæ rədie:rlarme 3. but resistance in Strong Position {#,C}__ and in gemination R__*eisko-*eiskiaskpoisson gém*mak w k w os*mak w k w ahmakgarçon stage 3: t,k >, / V__V and V__RV (there is no p)

17 test case 2: Gorgia Toscana Castellani (1960), Giannelli & Savoia (1978, 1979), Marotta ( ) 1.V__V Stand. It.Tuscanglose papɛrtoaɸɛrtoouvert tlaatolaaθocôté kbruukobruuxo, bruuho, bruuoworm 2. V__RV pla piegala ɸjɛɛɣale pli tliitroliiθrolitre kla krɛɛmala xɾɛɛma, la hrɛɛma la crème 3. but resistance in Strong Position {#,C}__ and in gemination R__pɔrtapɔrtaporte #__pjɛɛdepjɛɛ epied gém.gattogattochat p,b,t,d,k,g > ɸ,β,θ,,x/h/ø,ɣ / V__(R)V

18 test case 3: French only labials and dentals are examined – the situation of velars is complicated by palatalizations (Bourciez 1967 etc.) #__Coda__V__V pr pl prunaprune plenuplein comprend(e)recomprendre purp(u)rapourpre amplusample *temp(u)latemple caprachèvre pip(e)repoivre dupludouble cap(u)luafr chable br bl brachiubras *blastimareblâmer umbraombre arb(o)rearbre germ *blādafr emblaver umb(i)licusafr umblil labralèvre rob(o)rerouvre fab(u)lafable labials in TR groups #__Coda__V__V pportaportetalpatauperiparive bbenebienherbaherbefabafève simplex Labials p p p p b b b b v v v v

19 #__Coda__V__V trtrestrois tractaretraiter capistru chevêtre alt(e)ru autre petrapierre it(e)rareerrer drdrappudrap *dras(i)cdrêche perd(e)re perdre quadratu carré rid(e)re rire dentals in TR groups #__Coda__V__V ttelatoilecantarechantervitavie ddentedentardoreardeurcodaqueue simplex dentals t t t dd ø d t d ø ø ø test case 3: French

20 test case 4: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) ALF Atlas Linguistique de la France Gilléron, Jules, and Édmond Édmont Atlas linguistique de la France. Paris: Champion, 9 vol., supplément based on fieldwork , 639 points of inquiry.

21 test case 4: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) prediction in a dialectal system T alone and T in a TR cluster behave alike in every given system (dialect) examination of labials in intervocalic position dentals are inconclusive for independent reasons (desolidarisation, see next slide), velars are blurred by palatalisations. hence for each obstruent and each position, the isoglosses of T alone and T in a TR cluster are identical. ==> not exactly a trivial or intuitive prediction ==> a prediction about 639 systems at the same time

22 test case 4: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) goal: comparison of -P- with -PR- -B- with -BR- variation and its interpretation: only actual branching onsets (solidary TR groups) are an input for the comparison. Hence non-solidary groups are counted out: coda vocalisation betrays desolidarisation: V.TRV > VT.RV (grey-shaded on the maps below) example: solidary TR group: FEBREM > fièvre, TAB(U)LA > table non-solidary TR group: FEBREM > fewre, TAB(U)LA > tole

23 -B- ABANTIARE> avancer ABOCULUS> aveugle FABA> fève HIBERNU> hiver -BR- (primary) FEBREM> fièvre -BR- (secondary) BIB(E)RE> boire SCRIB(E)RE> écrire -BL- (primary) OBLITARE> oublier -BL- (secondary) SAB(U)LU> sable DIAB(U)LU> diable STAB(U)LA> étable syntheses lexical basis ALF level 0 BL 0 BR 0 B 0 level 1 BR 1 BL 1 B 1 level 2 BR 2 B 2 ? -B- vs. -BR- test case 4: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)

24 -P- CREPANT> crèvent NEPOTE> neveu *ARRIPARE> arriver TROPARE> trouver LUPA> louve SAPONE> savon SAPA> sève -PR- (primary) APRILE> avril -PR- (secondary) PIP(E)R> poivre LEP(O)RE> lièvre OP(E)RARIU> ouvrier -PL- (primary) DUPLU> double -PL- (secondary) CAP(U)LU> câble syntheses lexical basis ALF level 0 PL 0 PR 0 P 0 level 1 PR 1 PL 1 P 1 level 2 PR 2 P 2 ? -P- vs. -PR- test case 4: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)

25 -P- alone intervocalic

26 -P- in an intervocalic TR group

27 superposition: intervocalic -P- alone and in a group poitevin Croissant

28 test case 4: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) Croissant -P- alone spirantizes (-P- > -v-), but remains a stop in -PR- (> -br-). 8 points of inquiry (5035, 600, 601, 800, 802, 803) well-known zone of transition (Croissant).

29 test case 4: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) poitevin opposite pattern: P in PR spirantizes (> vr), but lexical variation is observed for isolated P (> b, v) (which however always voices) 24 points of inquiry (429, 448, 459, 479, , 515, 517, 518, 521, 525, , 533, 535, 536, 540, 621, 630, 632) since PR always spirantizes, a fricative output is also expected for P. lexical basis ALF: 7 words unexpected non-spirantization concerns only two words two contravening words: LOPA > loube, SAPONE > sabon LOPA: contravening in 19 out of 24 points, SAPONE in 17 out of 24. The five other words are well-behaved in all 24 points. ==> lexical inconsistency points to contact, rather than to regular evolution.

30 -B- alone intervocalic

31 -B- in an intervocalic TR group

32 superposition: intervocalic -B- alone and in a group provençal

33 test case 4: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) provençal - there are no *vl, *vr at all - hence -BL-, -BR- could not produce *vr, *vl (cf. *vl in oïl)

34 thank you for your attention

35 References 1 Bourciez, Edouard & J. Bourciez Phonétique française. 9e édition Paris: Klincksieck. Brun-Trigaud, Guylaine & Tobias Scheer Lenition in branching onsets in French and in ALF dialects. Development of Language through the Lens of Formal Linguistics, edited by Petr Karlík, Munich: Lincom. Castellani, Arrigo Precisazioni sulla gorgia toscana. Boletin de de Filologia 19, Giannelli, Luciano & Leonardo Savoia L'indebolimento consonantico in Toscana (I). Rivista Italiana di Dialettologia 2, Giannelli, Luciano & Leonardo Savoia L'indebolimento consonantico in Toscana (II). Rivista Italiana di Dialettologia 3-4, Lowenstamm, Jean CV as the only syllable type. Current trends in Phonology. Models and Methods, edited by Jacques Durand & Bernard Laks, Salford, Manchester: ESRI. Marotta, Giovanna Non solo spiranti. La gorgia toscana nel parlato di Pisa. L'Italia Dialettale 62, McCone, Kim Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval celtic sound change. Maynooth: St. Patrick's College. Rizzi, Luigi Relativized Minimality. Linguistic Inquiry Monograph 16. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

36 References 2 Scheer, Tobias A Lateral Theory of Phonology. Vol.1: What is CVCV, and why should it be? Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer La Coda-Miroir. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 96, Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer The Coda Mirror, stress and positional parameters. Lenition and Fortition, edited by Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho, Tobias Scheer & Philippe Ségéral, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

37 test case 4: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) Dentals oïloc -T-ød -TR-ørjr -D-ød,z -DR-ør desolidarisation j is the regular result of k,g in coda postion: aqua > oc aigue agnellus > oïl agneau desolidarisation ? desolidarisation zero is the regular result of -D- in coda position: MOD(U)LU > oïl moule > oc mole ADLUMINARE > oïl, oc allumer RAD(I)CINA > oïl racine > oc racina

38 test case 4: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)

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