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Conflict resolution and rural Cambodia
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A way of thinking about an ideal, peaceful state A device for exploring how close we are to ‘peace’ A way of appreciating the importance of conflict the poverty of our understanding
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looking back to 1992-3 UN intervention impact of privileging state development a wealthy, exploitative elite culture of impunity suppression of the poor and the weak is this what we planned and paid for?
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poorest country in SE Asia 70% of population in rural 30% of them very poor many marginalised: women, landless, indigenous people
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‘subsistence’ farmers villages remote, autarchic distrust of state ‘between temple and forest’ – cosmological setting
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strong preference for village resolution courts routinely corrupt, expensive, remote culture of impunity
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to address village problems typically (domestic) violence, gangs, local land disputes to manage a long tradition of violence
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to maintain village harmony to provide venue for change to provide support for changes to structures that maintain inequality
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changes needed now well understood access to ways to challenge structural inequalities
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Critical backgrounds
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Contexts of conflict in Cambodia cultural / political / econ historical / cosmological geographical: neighbours regional / national
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Intensely hierarchical King as cosmological centre Khsae – strings reaching across the kingdom / neo-patrimonialism /
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everyone in a hierarchy everyone in relationship importance of patrons in providing safety net patrons provide backing in conflict resolution processes
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everyone knows their place reinforcers ubiquitous all but family negotiable political allegiances fit well reciprocation of favours
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Conflict resolution formal and informal systems
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Village level chief / ‘father’ (mother) enforceable / social forces unequals but accepted somroh somruel – to achieve a happy agreement
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Beyond the village courts remote expensive dangerous manipulated by the powerful
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Parallel to courts King and okya (rich courtiers) - closed system appeal direct to the King
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protestors outside Hun Sen’s house begging for PM’s influence
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UTOPIAS – mental constructs of what might be and some realities
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France – mission civilisatrice Sihanouk – independence USA – democratic Vietnam Khmer Rouge – radical communist UN – a peaceful Cambodia
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2,756,941 tons of bombs
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An undated photograph shows forced laborers digging canals in Kampong Cham province, part of the massive agrarian infrastructure the Khmer Rouge planned for the country.
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An incumbent government (SOC) was being asked to surrender power, an armed insurgency…was being asked to disarm itself, and both were being asked to take part in what for most Cambodians were novel democratic processes.
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All of this was to be overseen by 16,000 troops and 7,000 civilian personnel from more than 100 countries (34 troop providers) estimated $3 billion…
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Demobilize 200,000 soldiers in 650 locations (with 250,000 militia in almost every village) begin clearing 6 to 10 million landmines repatriate 360,000 refugees supervise the existing administration to ensure `free and fair elections', register 4.7 million voters, oversee elections at 1,400 polling stations, instil civic values and a respect for human rights begin ‘the enormous task of reconstruction and rehabilitation’ (Doyle, 1995, 45).
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Many of these were new undertakings for the UN, and all had to be accomplished within an 18-month period. It is not surprising, then, that, in retrospect, Gareth Evans, Australian Foreign Minister and one of the main initiators of the peace plan, should describe the mandate as `overly ambitious and in some respects clearly not achievable' (1994, 27). from Miall, H., O. Ramsbotham, et al. (1999). Contemporary conflict resolution : the prevention, management and transformation of deadly conflicts. Malden, Mass., Polity Press. P 192-193
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sought to solve the macro international conflict ignored history / culture / traditions lack of background research primitive awareness of conflict default: rebuild the state
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result: another version of traditional extractive elite failed to establish legal protections – despite structures re-opened country to regional and global economic forces
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one party state – Cambodian Peoples party (CPP longest-serving strongman neo-patrimonialism creating a favour network beyond state structures
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CPP needs largesse to distribute selling the country / ‘rents’ legal impunity impacts on poor /development CPP success at elections
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meanwhile UNDP long term work on decentralisation of decision-making increased access to dispute resolution / training / education result: increased awareness / satisfaction
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money from CPP khsae overshadows formal development so focus on visible symbols: temples and schools - but not teacher salaries - corruptions
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Land concessions (ELCs) brutal dispossession murder / arrests / threats Widespread discontent direct approaches to ‘king’ direct action / mass action
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Aid flows / aid architecture / conflict
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UNDP / World Bank (WB) programs hundreds / thousands of intergovernmental program local / supported NGOs
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Development theory now extensive local research critical nature of justice (J4P) / poverty traps / migration / importance of health importance of dispute resolution in addressing issues in all of this
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stable ‘government’ / CPP contradictions - national processes that derail local progress creating instabilit y / conflict across the country
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UNDP persistent role in local structural development good level of satisfaction with new decision-making power greater awareness of rights appreciation of stability (old)
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now (again) functional conflict resolution at grass roots dysfunctional conflict resolution at national level despite structures in place problems when they meet
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Hindsight and learnings
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what else could have been done? what have we learnt?
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research (but special case) focus on the local assumed long-term greater focus on accountability
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interconnected world global and regional inputs constructive destructive
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regional coalitions / regional depredations regional courts or accountabilities
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critical role of conflict in social development Westerners and their assumptions of protected conflict
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Donors (taxpayers / donors) awareness of what is being done with our money awareness of need to strengthen processes to hold people to account failure creates conflict
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conflict resolution development inevitably creates conflict access to justice systems for poor and marginalized is crucial for overall development
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need to develop awareness of ‘compassionate donors’ and taxpayers re conflict need to develop and extend formal accountability processes
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need to increase appreciation of positive aspects of conflict need to develop our understanding of role of conflict in change
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Charity is no substitute for justice withheld
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