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Chapter 10 Race and Ethnic Relations by Vic Satzewich

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1 Chapter 10 Race and Ethnic Relations by Vic Satzewich
Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

2 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
THE FIELD DEFINED The sociology of race and ethnic relations deals mainly with how power and resources are unequally distributed among racial and ethnic groups. Most people think of race and ethnicity as referring to unchangeable cultural or biological characteristics that people are born with. Sociologists recognize that ethnicity and race are socially defined and do change – they are “acquired” rather than “ascribed” characteristics. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

3 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
DEFINITIONS An ethnic group may be defined objectively (by group language, culture, customs, national origin, and ancestry), or subjectively (by the self-identification of group members). The classification of humans into races is now widely regarded as arbitrary from a biological viewpoint because actual genetic differences between racial groups are trivial. However, racial groups are real in a sociological sense insofar as people with different skin colour, etc., are commonly treated differently. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

4 THE ETHNICITY QUESTION IN THE 2001 CENSUS

5 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
RACISM Racism is the disadvantageous treatment of certain groups whose members are distinguished by socially significant physical characteristics such as skin colour. Although biological versions of racism are no longer common, new racism is. It involves the belief that the races are inherently different from one another in a cultural and behavioural sense, and problems result when they try to live together. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

6 TOP 25 ETHNIC ORIGINS IN CANADA
Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

7 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
RACISM: INSTITUTIONAL AND SYSTEMIC Institutional racism refers to practices that discriminate against racial minorities and that are built into the structure of politics, economic life, education, etc. Systemic discrimination refers to laws and rules that exclude members of racial minorities without necessarily being underpinned by racist ideas. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

8 CANADIANS AND THE LIMITS TO TOLERANCE
Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

9 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND RACIAL CONFLICT There are four main approaches to explaining conflict among ethnic and racial groups: Social-psychological theories Primordial theories Normative theories Power-conflict theories Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

10 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND RACIAL CONFLICT: SOCIAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES Social psychological theories focus on how prejudice (an unfavourable, generalized and rigid belief about group members) and racism satisfy the psychic needs of certain people. For example, the frustration-aggression theory holds that when people are frustrated in achieving important goals they blame an ethnic or racial group. This theory does not specify the circumstances that lead to aggression or why some groups rather than others are chosen as scapegoats. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

11 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND RACIAL CONFLICT: PRIMORDIAL THEORIES Primordial theories focus on presumably innate differences in ethnic and racial groups as the source of group conflict. For example, sociobiology likens racial and ethnic groups to extended families that want to keep their genes within the group. A major problem with this argument is that it cannot explain intragroup conflict and intergroup harmony, both of which are common. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

12 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND RACIAL CONFLICT: NORMATIVE THEORIES Normative theories claim that prejudice is transmitted through socialization in families, peer groups, and the mass media. While usefully emphasizing that prejudice is learned, such theories fail to explain how prejudice arises in the first place. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

13 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND RACIAL CONFLICT: POWER-CONFLICT THEORIES I Power theories stress how ethnic and racial conflict derives from the distribution of power in society. For example, orthodox Marxism argues that racism is an ideology used by capitalists to mystify social reality and justify the exploitation of workers. However, racism may be found in classes other than the capitalist class. Moreover, racial conflict has at times resulted in practices that denied employers access to cheap labour. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

14 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND RACIAL CONFLICT: POWER-CONFLICT THEORIES II A second power theory is split labour market theory. Proponents agree with the orthodox Marxist view that employers try to replace high-paid with low-paid labour. They add, however, that high-paid workers perpetuate racism in the interest of protecting their jobs from low-paid members of racial minorities. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

15 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
ABORIGINAL PEOPLES Aboriginal Canadians are the most socially and economically disadvantaged people in Canada. There are three main explanations for this state of affairs: the government view; the culture of poverty thesis; and the theory of internal colonialism. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

16 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
ABORIGINAL PEOPLES: THE GOVERNMENT VIEW Until the middle of the twentieth century, the government view was that aboriginal cultures were inferior to European cultures. Government policy reflected the belief that poverty is rooted in cultural inferiority. Canadian governments: encouraged the assimilation of aboriginal Canadians; outlawed traditional practices such as the potlatch; and separated aboriginal children from their communities and forcibly Europeanized them in residential schools. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

17 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
ABORIGINAL PEOPLES: THE CULTURE OF POVERTY THESIS The culture of poverty thesis holds that aboriginals are poor because their culture does not value hard work, economic success, and private property. However, this argument has been criticized because it confuses effect with cause. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

18 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
ABORIGINAL PEOPLES: CONFLICT THEORY The theory of internal colonialism is the most popular type of conflict theory applied to aboriginal peoples. It argues that federal laws have disempowered aboriginal Canadians. Further, governments and white businesses have derived huge economic benefits from the control of aboriginal lands and mineral rights. This has resulted in the creation of a sort of internal colony. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

19 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
ABORIGINAL PEOPLES: CLASS AND GENDER DIVERSITY Critics point out that gender and class privilege exists among aboriginals. Many aboriginal women are concerned about the lack of gender equality. A significant proportion of aboriginal people work in highly skilled professions, forming a distinct, virtually closed elite class. The elite controls the political agenda and neglects lower-class interests. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

20 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
QUEBEC I Following the conquest of New France by Britain, an English elite took over the economic affairs of what is now Quebec. English economic interests dominated the society. The French controlled the traditionalist Catholic Church and composed the political elite. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

21 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
QUEBEC II In the middle of the twentieth century, a modernizing French-speaking elite emerged. Facing blocked mobility due to English control of economic institutions, its members pushed for an expansion and modernization of the Quebec state (the “Quiet Revolution”). Support for the contemporary sovereignty movement comes from the new middle class and organized labour, who both identify the Québécois as a colonized and exploited people. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

22 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
QUEBEC III Nearly a fifth of Quebeckers have a mother tongue other than French. Therefore, a debate has emerged over who is Québécois. Civic nationalists regard all those who reside in Quebec as Québécois. Ethnic nationalists regard only people who are French-Canadian in terms of culture, ancestry, and language as Québécois. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

23 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
IMMIGRATION I In 1996, immigrants made up: 17% of Canada’s population 18% of Montreal’s population 35% of Vancouver’s population and 47% of Toronto’s population Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

24 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
IMMIGRATION II Six factors explain the pattern of Canadian immigration: Most immigrants are admitted to the country because they have skills needed by the Canadian economy or because they can create jobs for other Canadians. Before 1962, ethnicity and race influenced who was allowed to immigrate. Non-Europeans were stereotyped as racially and culturally inferior. In 1962, these criteria became less important so by 2001 only 17% of immigrants came from Europe. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

25 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
IMMIGRATION III Canada uses immigration as a way of gaining influence in world politics. Humanitarianism affects immigrant selection. Canada accepts many “family class” immigrants – first-degree relatives of immigrants accepted on the basis of other criteria – and some refugees. Public opinion influences immigration. Public opinion is heterogeneous on the desirability of immigraiton. Security considerations affect immigration, particularly after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

26 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
TOP 10 SOURCE COUNTRIES IMMIGRANTS, CANADA, AND 2001 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

27 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
CONTEMPORARY IMMIGRATION CATEGORIES In 2001: About 28,000 refugees were admitted to Canada. About 67,000 family class immigrants arrived in Canada. Economic immigrants numbered about 153,000. They included skilled workers, immigrant entrepreneurs and investors, and self-employed immigrants. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

28 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
THE POINTS SYSTEM Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

29 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
THE VERTICAL MOSAIC REVISITED I In 1965, John Porter termed the stratification of ethnic and racial groups in Canada a vertical mosaic. Porter argued that the two “charter groups” – English and French – predominated in various Canadian elites. According to Porter, later arrivals faced limited upward mobility. They were caught in an ethnic mobility trap due to prejudice and discrimination, and because they lacked the cultural values and practices needed for success. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

30 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
THE VERTICAL MOSAIC REVISITED II Canadian sociologists have debated the relevance of the vertical mosaic today. Their research shows: Upward mobility is now the norm for once-underprivileged European-origin groups. Earnings and occupational distributions of visible-minority men and women born in Canada are comparable to those of the charter and European-origin groups. The vertical mosaic exists for recent male visible-minority immigrants; they earn significantly less than one would expect given their educational levels due to discrimination. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

31 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
EARNINGS OF AND NATIVE-BORN CANADIANS Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

32 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
SUPPLEMENTARY SLIDES Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

33 IMMIGRATION LEVELS HAVE FLUCTUATED BUT IMMIGRANTS HAVE REPRESENTED 15-20% OF POPULATION FOR OVER 50 YEARS SOURCE: Statistics Canada, supplied by Doug Norris, Director of Statistics Canada.

34 TODAY IMMIGRANTS ARE CONCENTRATED IN LARGE CITIES BUT HISTORICALLY SETTLEMENT PATTERNS WERE DIFFERENT SOURCE: Statistics Canada, supplied by Doug Norris, Director of Statistics Canada.

35 IMMIGRANTS INCREASINGLY FROM ASIA AND MIDDLE EAST
Immigrant Population by Place of Birth Visible minorities as a percentage Showing Period of Immigration, 1996 of total CMA population, 1996 100% U.S.A. Toronto 80% Vancouver Europe Calgary Asia & Middle 60% East Edmonton Africa Montréal 40% Caribbean, S. SOURCE: Statistics Canada, supplied by Doug Norris, Director of Statistics Canada. Ottawa-Hull & C. America 20% Other Winnipeg Windsor 0% Canada 11% Before 1961 to 1971 to 1981 to 1991 to Rest of CMA's % 1961 1970 1980 1990 1996 5 10 15 20 25 30 35

36 PROJECTIONS SUGGEST GROWING VISIBLE MINORITY POPULATION AND INCREASING DIFFERENCES BETWEEN GEOGRAPHIC REGIONS SOURCE: Statistics Canada, supplied by Doug Norris, Director of Statistics Canada.

37 RECENT IMMIGRANTS ARE MORE EDUCATED THAN PAST IMMIGRANTS AND THE CANADIAN-BORN; IMMIGRANTS ARE AN IMPORTANT SOURCE OF WORKERS IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS Proportion of immigrants by selected occupations, Ottawa-Hull CMA, 1996 SOURCE: Statistics Canada, supplied by Doug Norris, Director of Statistics Canada.

38 DEMOGRAPHICS OF ABORIGINAL POPULATION
Geographic Concentration, 1996 Age Structure, 1996 Age 75 + Atlantic 70-74 Canada 2.8% Quebec Male 65-69 Female 60-64 Ontario Total Canadian 55-59 Population 50-54 Manitoba 45-49 Aboriginal 40.44 Saskatchewan 35-39 Alberta 30.34 SOURCE: Statistics Canada, supplied by Doug Norris, Director of Statistics Canada. 25-29 British Columbia 20-24 15-19 Yukon 10-14 05-09 Northwest Territories 0-04 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Percent

39 DIFFERENCES IN LEVELS OF EDUCATION AND INCOME PERSIST FOR ABORIGINAL POPULATION
Highest level of schooling, Incidence of low income by age, Persons aged 20-29, Canada Canada, 1995 % 80 Incidence (%) 60 60 70 50 50 60 50 40 40 40 Aboriginal Population 30 30 30 20 SOURCE: Statistics Canada, supplied by Doug Norris, Director of Statistics Canada. 20 20 10 Total Population 10 10 1981 1996 1981 1996 1981 1996 Less than Completed Post secondary high school University diploma 6-14 Under 6 15-17 18-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65-69 70+ Non-Aboriginal Aboriginal

40 NEARLY HALF OF ABORIGINAL CHILDREN IN LARGE URBAN CENTRES LIVE WITH ONLY ONE PARENT; URBAN ABORIGINAL POPULATION IS HIGHLY MOBILE Children 0-14 in lone parent families Population Mobility, Urban Areas, % (Percent moving) % 60 60 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 SOURCE: Statistics Canada, supplied by Doug Norris, Director of Statistics Canada. 10 10 From outside Toronto Within CSD Winnipeg Regina Calgary Did not move Total CMA's Saskatoon Edmonton Vancouver Ottawa-Hull CSD (City) (City) All children Aboriginal children Aboriginal Non-Aboriginal

41 IMMIGRANTS START OUT AT A DISADVANTAGE BUT EVENTUALLY CATCH UP AND SURPASS THE CANADIAN-BORN
SOURCE: Statistics Canada, supplied by Doug Norris, Director of Statistics Canada.

42 NEWCOMERS TO CANADA ARE HAVING AN INCREASINGLY DIFFICULT TIME IN THE LABOUR MARKET
SOURCE: Statistics Canada, supplied by Doug Norris, Director of Statistics Canada.

43 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
CANADIANS FEELING UNCOMFORTABLE OR OUT OF PLACE BECAUSE OF ETHNO-CULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS, 2002 Percent Source: Statistics Canada Ethnic Diversity Survey: Portrait of a Multicultural Society. Ottawa. Catalogue no XIE. p. 20. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.

44 Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.
CANADIANS REPORTING DISCRIMINATION OF UNFAIR TREATMENT ‘SOMETIME’ OR ‘OFTEN’ IN PAST 5 YEARS, 2002 Percent Note: For specific groups, the ‘often’ category alone ranges from a low of about 2% for Chinese to about 10% for Blacks. Source: Statistics Canada Ethnic Diversity Survey: Portrait of a Multicultural Society. Ottawa. Catalogue no XIE. p. 22. Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson Canada Limited.


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